Can Dr. Abiy Transition from an Amapianist to an Oropianist Leader?
By Fayyis Oromia*
There is little doubt that Dr. Abiy Ahmed identifies more as an Ethiopianist leader than as an Oromo nationalist. His frequent references to Ethiopia and Ethiopiawinet reflect this self-image. However, the pressing question remains: What kind of Ethiopia and Ethiopiawinet is Dr. Abiy envisioning? Is his conception of Ethiopia one that continues the dominance of Amapia (an Amharic-dominated Ethiopia) as has been the case historically? Or does he see a future Ethiopia that is closer to Oropia (an Oromumma-led Ethiopia), as it may need to become?
As long as Dr. Abiy remains committed to upholding the status quo of Amharic dominance, his vision of Ethiopia inevitably aligns with Amapia. In this context, he would be classified as an Amapianist. Whether or not he can transcend this position remains uncertain. Should he display the requisite courage and resolve to elevate Oromic to the status of the primary working language of the federation, supplanting Amharic, he might be recognized as an Oropianist—a leader who the Oromo people could regard as their own. Whether Dr. Abiy can undergo this transformation from an Amapianist to an Oropianist remains an open question. We can only hope that Wàqa guides him on this transformative journey.
Dr. Abiy’s decline in support among the Oromo is largely due to his preferential treatment of Amharanet over Oromumma. He represents the archetype of the Amharanized Oromo elite, one who reveres Amharanet rather than valuing Oromumma. This reflects a form of internalized subjugation or “slave mentality.” For Dr. Abiy, an ideal Ethiopia can only be realized by maintaining Amharic as the principal language of government, even though Oromic arguably merits this status equally, if not more. His pride in speaking Amharic and his inability to envision Oromic in the nation’s institutions reveals a deep reluctance to dismantle the linguistic hierarchy that continues to favor Amharic.
This mindset—one that neglects Oromic and Oromumma while perpetuating the dominance of Amharic and Amharanet—has caused many Oromo to view Dr. Abiy as just another in a long line of Ethiopian leaders who have historically marginalized them. To many, he is seen as an oppressor, comparable to figures such as Meles Zenawi or Mengistu Haile Mariam. It is for this reason that most genuine Oromo nationalists—apart from a few opportunists—oppose his administration. If Dr. Abiy seeks to regain political legitimacy and reconcile with the Oromo people, there is no path forward other than elevating Oromic and Oromumma to a central position within the federation. This would require that key institutions, including parliament, the cabinet, the judiciary, and security forces, adopt Oromic as the primary working language, displacing Amharic.
The dynamics between the Amhara and Oromo elites within the halls of power in Finfinne remain highly contested. Some analysts, such as Obbo Léncô Latà, argue that Oromo elites are the dominant force, with Amhara elites playing a secondary role. Others, including Jaal Marro of the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), maintain that Amhara elites (the Neo-Naftagna) are the true power brokers, using Dr. Abiy as a tool to target Oromo nationalists like Jawar Mohammed and Dawud Ibsa—much as Mengistu Haile Mariam (an Oromo himself) was used to suppress figures like Haile Fida and the Meison party.
While these perspectives can be debated, one irrefutable truth remains: as long as Amharanet and Amharic continue to dominate the federation, all Oromo elites in power—Dr. Abiy included—are, in practice, subservient to the Amhara elite. This is no different from the relationship of Oromo elites under previous Ethiopian regimes: Menelik, Haile Selassie, Mengistu, and Meles. Under each of these administrations, Oromo elites were complicit in the maintenance of Amharic dominance, which they disguised as a unifying form of Ethiopiawinet. Dr. Abiy and his Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP) are no exception. In this arrangement, figures like Demeke Mekonnen and other Amhara Prosperity Party (APP) leaders metaphorically “ride” the Oromo Prosperitans. As long as Dr. Abiy and his allies perpetuate this long-standing system of Amharic dominance, they will merely serve as enablers of the Amhara elite, executing their will rather than representing the interests of the Oromo people. Thus, one might say that the APP is the rider, while the OPP is the horse.
This struggle will persist until Oromo Republicans—true representatives of Oromo sovereignty—replace the Oromo Prosperitans, who are perceived as loyal enablers of the Neo-Naftagna system.
Nevertheless, the cooperation between Amhara and Oromo elites in ousting the TPLF regime deserves acknowledgment. Historically, the TPLF’s anti-Derg struggle targeted the Shewa Amhara (Dire Sawa) as their primary adversaries. Upon entering Finfinne in 1991, their objective was to drive a wedge between the Amharic-speaking and Oromiffa-speaking populations of Shewa—two groups that had historically wielded power together and contributed to the establishment of modern Ethiopia.
These two groups are, in fact, two cultural and linguistic expressions of the same people—the Tulama Oromo. The divergence between them began around 1270 when Oromo monarchs, led by Gifti Mandea’s son Tulluu Chala (who later took the name Yekuno Amlak), adopted Lisane Negus (Amharic) as their working language and distanced themselves from the broader Oromo population. Over time, a portion of the Oromo population underwent a cultural transformation to become Amhara, which involved five distinct stages:
- Acceptance of Orthodox Christianity
- The adoption of Amharic names (e.g., changing from Guddata to Wolde-Michael)
- Learning Lisane Negus (Amharic)
- Assimilation into the Amhara lifestyle
- Psychological self-identification as Amhara, rather than Oromo
Many have personally witnessed or undergone this transformation, and those who completed all five stages—or their descendants—have effectively lost their Oromo identity. The Oromo who resisted the final step have retained their ethnic identity, even if they underwent the earlier stages. The same process was also applied to the Agaw people, many of whom were assimilated into Amhara or Tigrayan identities.
Interestingly, these “conserved” Oromo supported the rule of the converted Oromo under the Second Solomonic Dynasty, which established a Christian empire with a national identity rooted in Christianity and consistently fought against the “Galla”—a term that carried both ethnic and religious (pagan) connotations. Some elites from this Christianized Cushitic tradition continue to define Ethiopia in terms that are both anti-Islam and anti-Oromo, which is why their version of Ethiopiawinet is rejected by Oromo nationalists.
Historically, the converted Agaw of the First Solomonic Dynasty lost power to the conserved Agaw of the Zagwe Dynasty in the 10th century. The conserved Agaw later lost to the converted Oromo in the 13th century and, after several attempts, were united with them in 1991. The converted Agaw, in the form of the Tigrayans, ruled Ethiopia through force, with support from their kin in the form of the conserved Agaw, until the current Oromo resurgence.
Now, the “two faces” of the Shewa Oromo have recognized this historical mechanism and are no longer willing to be manipulated into conflict by the TPLF. It is time for both conserved and converted Oromo—from Shewa and beyond—to unite in ending systems of internal domination. Similarly, the conserved and converted Agaw groups have joined forces to resist Tigrayan tyranny. The true enemy is not any single ethnic group but the oppressive system and its enablers.
In this ongoing struggle, both the Amhara Prosperity Party (APP) of the converted Oromo and the Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP) of the conserved Oromo have played essential roles. Now, it is time for the two faces of the same people—the Oromo—to push for democratization and transformation, not only of Ethiopia but also toward the realization of Oropia, a shared homeland.
We owe thanks to Wàqa for helping us complete the first phase of our struggle—liberation from external oppression. The second phase of our struggle begins now: liberation from internal subjugation, led by the Oromo Prosperitans. This is a critical moment in history, where we must choose the kind of sovereignty we want to achieve: Oromia and/or Oropia. However, Oropia can only be realized when Oromic and Oromumma take their rightful leadership role, replacing the enduring dominance of Amharanet and Amharic.
To accomplish this, free-minded Oromo Republicans must overcome the influence of the slave-minded Oromo Prosperitans.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/04/1 ... st-leader/