A Galla political negotiator, unlike others who are snakes and more indirect, tends to be straightforward. They often state what they want without trying to sugarcoat it under the familiar rhetoric of shared culture such as “we all eat shiro, we eat injera, we wear zuria, we are the same, yada yada yada. 2 years ago, the galla attempted to secure a sea outlet in Somaliland in exchange for recognizing its independence. Thanks to the persistent diplomatic efforts of Somalia’s central government, that attempt failed and was criticized adn scorned by several regional and global actors, including Turkey, Arab states, China, and Russia. After backtracking from their initiative in Somalia, the galla redirected their attention toward the northern Nobels. Deep down, they know that confronting an adversary who once neutralized their former masters is not an easy task. Still, they hired professional influencers and “experts” to promote the narrative that Ethiopia desperately needs a seaport—not for trade, but for establishing a naval base to project power.
They circulated edited images of ships flying the Ethiopian flag and photos of the Port of Assab labeled “Assab, Ethiopia.”In Tigrinya, we say “T’eer ʾelka ʾuqale,” which refers to someone whose first priority after arriving in a city is to buy sunglasses—symbolizing misplaced priorities. Ironically, despite how unrealistic these claims sound, I appreciate this direct approach more than the snakes approaches which more covert methods
Now, let us look at the Tere sega eaters and agame, —the indirect one. Instead of clearly stating what they want and what they can offer in exchange, they attempt to undermine Eritrean identity, statehood, and history. Their aim is to create the illusion that our national foundation rests on a fabricated narrative, that our existence is fragile, and that we cannot survive or thrive without Ethiopia.
But let us turn their own argument around and ask them the same questions: What is the identity of Ethiopia? Who is considered Ethiopian? How was modern Ethiopia formed? What does modern Ethiopia truly share with ancient Axum, given that some of these low IQ so called experts insist that Ethiopia has 3,000 uninterrupted years of statehood? Their reasoning and low IQ argument does not stop at these contradictions. When confronted with factual counterarguments, they resort to portraying themselves as victims, claiming that Eritreans always side with Egypt and Arab states to disintegrate Ethiopia. They expect us to accept their narrative without defending our own position and fold. Here is the “masterpiece” of one low IQ who identifies himself as a lawyer.
EPLF trolls are busy manufacturing what “Eritrean” means. for years and to this day they claim a unique identity separate from Ethiopia, some linking themselves to Rome by showcasing Italian pasta, cinema and antique cars in Asmara while others attempting to inherit a civilizational state from Adulis and Axum. EPLF trolls suffer from a deep identity void, one they must continually self-affirm in order to fill.
The mimicry must be tiresome.
Eritrea will remain a post-colonial construct. “Eritrean” as they like to define goes only as far as not ‘Ethiopian’ a textbook case of Negative Identity Construction, an identity defined by what it rejects rather than what it affirms. It is a living reminder that identity built on negation echoing Hegel’s insight from the master–slave dynamic.
This Egyptian and Arab policy is neither surprising nor masked as it used to; Ethiopians especially the new generation are fully conscious of it. The masks are off. Never has the strategy been clearer, nor the axis of evil that link Cairo to Asmara and to elements of insurgency inside Ethiopia.
