Can the Oromo Political Trinity (Jawar, Abiy, Lemma) Reunite to Undo the Habesha Elites’ Manipulation?
By Fayyis Oromia*
I remember what Jawar Mohammed once said in an interview during the early days of the 2018 political transition—when Habesha elites were hard at work trying to divide and dismantle Oromo nationalists. To paraphrase:
“They want to instigate animosity between the three of us—Jawar, Abiy, and Lemma—just like they did to Baro Tumsa, Haile Fida, and Senay Likke during the post-1974 revolution.”
That reflection stayed with me.
So I now ask: Were the cvnning Habesha elites successful?
When I see our once-united political trinity scattered—sometimes even in open conflict—it seems they might have succeeded. But I still hope that Jawar, Abiy, Lemma, and their respective supporters will come to their senses and smell the coffee, especially at this critical moment. Today, three major anti-Oromo forces—Nafxagna, Shabiya, and Woyane—are doing everything they can to unite, march on Finfinné Palace, and re-scramble Oromia’s resources.
If Oromo leaders continue to fight each other, it will be a tragedy to see Jawar become yet another polarizing figure—like Abiy Ahmed. The Oromo diaspora is now sharply divided into pro- and anti-Jawar camps. His critics accuse him of aligning with historic Oromo adversaries: the Semenawian (northerners) from ATE (Amhara, Tigray, and Eritrea).
There’s some truth to these concerns. Many Amhara elites have long been anti-Oromo. Some TPLF leaders committed grave injustices against the Oromo. And Shabiya played a damaging role during the 1992 debacle that undermined the Oromo Liberation Army. For these reasons, an ATE return to power in Finfinné would be tantamount to Oromo re-enslavement—a scenario that must be prevented at all costs.
Personally, I would prefer a bad Biltsiginna to a worse Semenawian regime. That’s why Jawar, and all Oromo nationalists, must ensure that the Semenawian forces do not return to power—even as we remove the Biltsiginna oppressor.
Dr. Abiy once accused OLA leaders of refusing to engage in dialogue with their “brothers” in Biltsiginna, while being open to talking with the Oromo’s enemy—Fanno. That raises a key question:
Who is the Oromo’s current enemy?
Today, Oromo nationalists seem divided along two lines:
- Those who see Biltsiginna as the primary enemy are less hostile toward Fanno.
- Those who see Fanno as the main threat often support Biltsiginna, so long as the conflict between the two continues.
Fanno’s reckless rhetoric—its opposition to Onegawinet (Oromo’s mindset of freedom), “Oromo migration”, and Oromummà—has pushed some Oromo nationalists to side with Biltsiginna. If Fanno corrected these ideological errors, there would be no reason for any Oromo to support the neo-Derg dictatorship of Biltsiginna.
Three Enemies of Oromummà and Oromic
For over 3,000 years, the Oromo people, our national identity (Oromummà), and our language (Oromic) have faced relentless suppression. Many Oromo in northern and eastern Ethiopia have lost their language and identity—becoming either Habeshanized (Amhara/Tigrayan) or Somalianized.
Today, three major adversaries continue to undermine Oromummà and Oromic. These are the modern Naftagnas:
Amhara-Menelikites (A-Naftagna) – Traditionalist elites, defeated in 1991, but still plotting a return through intrigue.
Tigrayan-Melesites (T-Naftagna) – Ousted from Finfinne in 2018 and pushed back in Tigray, but still a threat.
Hybrid-Meshreftites (H-Naftagna) – The most dangerous of all, currently ruling under Abiy Ahmed, masquerading as Oromo while advancing Amharan supremacy.
If Oromummà is to survive and thrive, Pro-Amharanet Elites (PAE) must be replaced by Pro-Oromummà Elites (POE).
Oromo Resistance to the Naftagna System
The Oromo have long resisted the Naftagna system—a system that elevated Amharic language and culture while suppressing others. In a genuine democracy, Oromic would rise naturally as Ethiopia’s leading language. That is why Naftagna-style governance is fundamentally undemocratic.
The A-Naftagnas and T-Naftagnas used brute force and propaganda to preserve Amharic supremacy. Today’s H-Naftagna regime is worse—it uses the Oromo identity as a cover while advancing the same agenda. They’ve succeeded in dividing Oromo nationalists:
- One side opposes Abiy Ahmed.
- The other side still supports him.
This internal division makes the current phase of Oromo liberation the most difficult and dangerous yet.
Unlike the Amhara and Tigrayans, who largely supported their respective Naftagna regimes, the Oromo overwhelmingly reject H-Naftagna rule.
Democracy Without Liberty Is a Lie
During the TPLF’s 27-year rule, elections were a tool of international deception, not domestic accountability. “Reforms” like the 2010 electoral code of conduct were designed to maintain power by co-opting unitarist opposition groups—those sympathetic to the old A-Naftagna Ethiopia.
Together, T-Naftagnas and A-Naftagna allies worked to block the rise of real democratic unionist movements—like Medrek and PAFD—both at home and in the diaspora. Why? Because the Oromo-led national freedom movements threatened Abyssinian domination.
The Oromo and other oppressed nations have fought for over a century for basic rights. In contrast, Naftagna regimes have paid lip service to “unity” and “democracy” without ever honoring real liberty.
There can be no real unity or democracy without national and individual liberty.
That’s why organizations like PAFD put freedom first—freedom from tyranny, from colonial-style rule, and from exploitation.
The current regime lies when it says Ethiopia already enjoys democracy. It speaks of unity, but enforces division. It promises peace, but uses terror. It praises democracy, while practicing dictatorship.
We must draw a clear line between:
- Unitarists like Ezema, who want to preserve the imperial system.
- Unionists like Medrek, who fight for democracy and liberty.
Only once liberty is secured can we discuss building a union of free peoples—based on mutual consent, not domination.
From Resistance to Rebirth
The Abyssinian empire cannot be democratized. It must be dismantled, and from its ruins, a new democratic order can rise—starting with liberated regions like Oromia.
There are two types of unity we must distinguish:
- Unity for Freedom – The alliance of national liberation movements against imperial oppression.
- Union After Freedom – A voluntary federation of liberated nations.
To achieve the first, opposition groups like Medrek and PAFD must work together. If even the quasi-unionist Ezema abandons its obsession with unconditional unity and supports the right to national self-determination, true cooperation might become possible.
In the end, only free citizens and free nations can build a legitimate union. Our first task is to defeat the H-Naftagna regime. Only then can we begin building a real democracy. For this purpose, reuniting our political trinity is essential: they must agree to function as incumbent and opposition without animosity toward one another.
Thanks to Wàqa, we appear to be in the final stages of our national struggle. Our next step is clear:
National freedom—Oromia’s liberty—must come before regional democracy.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2022/12/2 ... melesites/