Mereja.Forum

[TGAA]

Fano's struggle for the freedom of the Amharas has brought about a seismic shift in the landscape of Ethiopian politics. The tribal structure that had been constructed over the past 40 years was founded upon nothing but a deep-seated animosity towards the Amharas. Every instance of backwardness, inequality, and even the cultural heritage of the Amhara people was exploited and propagated mainly by groups such as Weyanes and OLF, as a means of subjugating others. The policies that were crafted and enforced were a collaborative effort, often involving Amharas themselves, designed to secure acceptance from the so-called "oppressed."

As the Amharas increasingly adopted conciliatory and accommodating stances towards others, there arose a desire from some quarters to displace them from the land they had inhabited for millennia. The passive acceptance of blame for every cherished aspect of their identity was systematically orchestrated to estrange them from what was rightfully theirs. Among all the regions in the country, the Amhara region faced higher poverty levels, largely due to the engineered system of the Weyane regime. Over Weyane's 27 years in power, the Amharas were systematically disarmed. Bereket and Meles worked closely to ensure the Amharas remained powerless and subdued. Weyane orchestrated what was dubbed the "small arms disarmament conference" through the OAU, selectively targeting the Amharas for disarmament while, as evident in Tigray, other groups retained their weaponry.

The vulnerability of the Amharas was recognized, a fact exploited by Weyane, which knew it could act with impunity in the Amhara region. Armed resistance by the Amharas began towards the end of Hailemarim's tenure. Subsequently, conflict erupted between Weyane, who lost dominion over Ethiopia, and the ambitious Abiy, aiming to establish his Oromuma realm atop the ruins of Weyane's authority. Similar to Weyane's manipulation of Ethiopian nationalism during the Eritrea war, Abiy fanned the flames of Ethiopian nationalism to rally the Amharas against Weyane, who played into Abiy's hands through their rhetoric and actions.

After Abiy vanquished Weyane and confined them to Tigray, he recognized the threat to his vision of shaping Ethiopia in his Oromuma image. A critical discussion with his cabinet post-Weyane's containment centered on addressing the challenge posed by irregular armed groups. Weyane's war inadvertently led to the Amhara region becoming better armed, although it still trailed behind Oromia and Tigray. Despite the looming threat from Abiy and Weyane, Fano's supporters remained proactive, organizing and communicating, anticipating Abiy's "law and order" initiative.

As the conflict drew to a close, the Amharas fundamentally altered their political and military engagement strategies, departing from their previous trajectory. If four months of warfare could induce such profound changes, it's intriguing to imagine the potential transformation wrought through sustained collaboration between the Amharas and other Ethiopians in the coming year. The Amharas' ability to effectuate such foundational change in response to 40 years of discrimination and alienation is a source of pride. This inevitable transformation will prompt all opposing forces to reevaluate their positions in light of the new reality.

[Horus]

Fano's struggle for the freedom of the Amharas has brought about a seismic shift in the landscape of Ethiopian politics. The tribal structure that had been constructed over the past 40 years was founded upon nothing but a deep-seated animosity towards the Amharas. Every instance of backwardness, inequality, and even the cultural heritage of the Amhara people was exploited and propagated mainly by groups such as Weyanes and OLF, as a means of subjugating others. The policies that were crafted and enforced were a collaborative effort, often involving Amharas themselves, designed to secure acceptance from the so-called "oppressed."

As the Amharas increasingly adopted conciliatory and accommodating stances towards others, there arose a desire from some quarters to displace them from the land they had inhabited for millennia. The passive acceptance of blame for every cherished aspect of their identity was systematically orchestrated to estrange them from what was rightfully theirs. Among all the regions in the country, the Amhara region faced higher poverty levels, largely due to the engineered system of the Weyane regime. Over Weyane's 27 years in power, the Amharas were systematically disarmed. Bereket and Meles worked closely to ensure the Amharas remained powerless and subdued. Weyane orchestrated what was dubbed the "small arms disarmament conference" through the OAU, selectively targeting the Amharas for disarmament while, as evident in Tigray, other groups retained their weaponry.

The vulnerability of the Amharas was recognized, a fact exploited by Weyane, which knew it could act with impunity in the Amhara region. Armed resistance by the Amharas began towards the end of Hailemarim's tenure. Subsequently, conflict erupted between Weyane, who lost dominion over Ethiopia, and the ambitious Abiy, aiming to establish his Oromuma realm atop the ruins of Weyane's authority. Similar to Weyane's manipulation of Ethiopian nationalism during the Eritrea war, Abiy fanned the flames of Ethiopian nationalism to rally the Amharas against Weyane, who played into Abiy's hands through their rhetoric and actions.

After Abiy vanquished Weyane and confined them to Tigray, he recognized the threat to his vision of shaping Ethiopia in his Oromuma image. A critical discussion with his cabinet post-Weyane's containment centered on addressing the challenge posed by irregular armed groups. Weyane's war inadvertently led to the Amhara region becoming better armed, although it still trailed behind Oromia and Tigray. Despite the looming threat from Abiy and Weyane, Fano's supporters remained proactive, organizing and communicating, anticipating Abiy's "law and order" initiative.

As the conflict drew to a close, the Amharas fundamentally altered their political and military engagement strategies, departing from their previous trajectory. If four months of warfare could induce such profound changes, it's intriguing to imagine the potential transformation wrought through sustained collaboration between the Amharas and other Ethiopians in the coming year. The Amharas' ability to effectuate such foundational change in response to 40 years of discrimination and alienation is a source of pride. This inevitable transformation will prompt all opposing forces to reevaluate their positions in light of the new reality.

TGAA,
የታወቀው የፈርንሳይ ሶሺያ ሂስቶሪያን ምን ይል መሰለህ ህዝቦች በአመጽ ተነስተህ ከዚያ መንግስት ሳይገለብቱ ሲቀር ፣ ሕዝብ አምጾ ይነሳል፣ ይታገላል፣ ይሞታል ። ከዚያ በኋል ያ አመጽ ራዲካል የመግስት ስልጣን ጣለም ተሸነፈ ከዚያ በኋላ ይላል ከዚያ በኋላ የገዥው ስርዓት ብቻ ሳይሆን ሕዝቡ እራሱ እንዳልነበረ ሆኖ ይለወጣል ይላል ። ይህ ተደጋግሞ ተደጋግሞ በታሪክ የተከሰተ ነው።

ከዚህ በኋላ የሚለወጠው የአቢይ አህመድ ኦሮሙማ አገዛዝ ብቻ አይደለም የአማራ ሕዝብም እንዳልነበረ ሆኖ ተለውጧል፣ ይለወጣል ። የምተለው ያንን ነው፣ ከዚህ በኋላ ማንም ተነስቶ እንደ ማያንገላታው ልብ ብለህ ተከታተል ። የመንግስት መውደቅ የጉዞው ፍጻሜ ነው እንጂ አሁን አይናችን ላይ ለውጡ እየገሰግሰ ነው !!!!

[sun]

Fano's struggle for the freedom of the Amharas has brought about a seismic shift in the landscape of Ethiopian politics. The tribal structure that had been constructed over the past 40 years was founded upon nothing but a deep-seated animosity towards the Amharas. Every instance of backwardness, inequality, and even the cultural heritage of the Amhara people was exploited and propagated mainly by groups such as Weyanes and OLF, as a means of subjugating others. The policies that were crafted and enforced were a collaborative effort, often involving Amharas themselves, designed to secure acceptance from the so-called "oppressed."

As the Amharas increasingly adopted conciliatory and accommodating stances towards others, there arose a desire from some quarters to displace them from the land they had inhabited for millennia. The passive acceptance of blame for every cherished aspect of their identity was systematically orchestrated to estrange them from what was rightfully theirs. Among all the regions in the country, the Amhara region faced higher poverty levels, largely due to the engineered system of the Weyane regime. Over Weyane's 27 years in power, the Amharas were systematically disarmed. Bereket and Meles worked closely to ensure the Amharas remained powerless and subdued. Weyane orchestrated what was dubbed the "small arms disarmament conference" through the OAU, selectively targeting the Amharas for disarmament while, as evident in Tigray, other groups retained their weaponry.

The vulnerability of the Amharas was recognized, a fact exploited by Weyane, which knew it could act with impunity in the Amhara region. Armed resistance by the Amharas began towards the end of Hailemarim's tenure. Subsequently, conflict erupted between Weyane, who lost dominion over Ethiopia, and the ambitious Abiy, aiming to establish his Oromuma realm atop the ruins of Weyane's authority. Similar to Weyane's manipulation of Ethiopian nationalism during the Eritrea war, Abiy fanned the flames of Ethiopian nationalism to rally the Amharas against Weyane, who played into Abiy's hands through their rhetoric and actions.

After Abiy vanquished Weyane and confined them to Tigray, he recognized the threat to his vision of shaping Ethiopia in his Oromuma image. A critical discussion with his cabinet post-Weyane's containment centered on addressing the challenge posed by irregular armed groups. Weyane's war inadvertently led to the Amhara region becoming better armed, although it still trailed behind Oromia and Tigray. Despite the looming threat from Abiy and Weyane, Fano's supporters remained proactive, organizing and communicating, anticipating Abiy's "law and order" initiative.

As the conflict drew to a close, the Amharas fundamentally altered their political and military engagement strategies, departing from their previous trajectory. If four months of warfare could induce such profound changes, it's intriguing to imagine the potential transformation wrought through sustained collaboration between the Amharas and other Ethiopians in the coming year. The Amharas' ability to effectuate such foundational change in response to 40 years of discrimination and alienation is a source of pride. This inevitable transformation will prompt all opposing forces to reevaluate their positions in light of the new reality.

[sun]

Fano's struggle for the freedom of the Amharas has brought about a seismic shift in the landscape of Ethiopian politics. The tribal structure that had been constructed over the past 40 years was founded upon nothing but a deep-seated animosity towards the Amharas. Every instance of backwardness, inequality, and even the cultural heritage of the Amhara people was exploited and propagated mainly by groups such as Weyanes and OLF, as a means of subjugating others. The policies that were crafted and enforced were a collaborative effort, often involving Amharas themselves, designed to secure acceptance from the so-called "oppressed."

As the Amharas increasingly adopted conciliatory and accommodating stances towards others, there arose a desire from some quarters to displace them from the land they had inhabited for millennia. The passive acceptance of blame for every cherished aspect of their identity was systematically orchestrated to estrange them from what was rightfully theirs. Among all the regions in the country, the Amhara region faced higher poverty levels, largely due to the engineered system of the Weyane regime. Over Weyane's 27 years in power, the Amharas were systematically disarmed. Bereket and Meles worked closely to ensure the Amharas remained powerless and subdued. Weyane orchestrated what was dubbed the "small arms disarmament conference" through the OAU, selectively targeting the Amharas for disarmament while, as evident in Tigray, other groups retained their weaponry.

The vulnerability of the Amharas was recognized, a fact exploited by Weyane, which knew it could act with impunity in the Amhara region. Armed resistance by the Amharas began towards the end of Hailemarim's tenure. Subsequently, conflict erupted between Weyane, who lost dominion over Ethiopia, and the ambitious Abiy, aiming to establish his Oromuma realm atop the ruins of Weyane's authority. Similar to Weyane's manipulation of Ethiopian nationalism during the Eritrea war, Abiy fanned the flames of Ethiopian nationalism to rally the Amharas against Weyane, who played into Abiy's hands through their rhetoric and actions.

After Abiy vanquished Weyane and confined them to Tigray, he recognized the threat to his vision of shaping Ethiopia in his Oromuma image. A critical discussion with his cabinet post-Weyane's containment centered on addressing the challenge posed by irregular armed groups. Weyane's war inadvertently led to the Amhara region becoming better armed, although it still trailed behind Oromia and Tigray. Despite the looming threat from Abiy and Weyane, Fano's supporters remained proactive, organizing and communicating, anticipating Abiy's "law and order" initiative.

As the conflict drew to a close, the Amharas fundamentally altered their political and military engagement strategies, departing from their previous trajectory. If four months of warfare could induce such profound changes, it's intriguing to imagine the potential transformation wrought through sustained collaboration between the Amharas and other Ethiopians in the coming year. The Amharas' ability to effectuate such foundational change in response to 40 years of discrimination and alienation is a source of pride. This inevitable transformation will prompt all opposing forces to reevaluate their positions in light of the new reality.

Stinky Big Lie and fake seismic self congratulation!

[sun]

Fano's struggle for the freedom of the Amharas has brought about a seismic shift in the landscape of Ethiopian politics. The tribal structure that had been constructed over the past 40 years was founded upon nothing but a deep-seated animosity towards the Amharas. Every instance of backwardness, inequality, and even the cultural heritage of the Amhara people was exploited and propagated mainly by groups such as Weyanes and OLF, as a means of subjugating others. The policies that were crafted and enforced were a collaborative effort, often involving Amharas themselves, designed to secure acceptance from the so-called "oppressed."

As the Amharas increasingly adopted conciliatory and accommodating stances towards others, there arose a desire from some quarters to displace them from the land they had inhabited for millennia. The passive acceptance of blame for every cherished aspect of their identity was systematically orchestrated to estrange them from what was rightfully theirs. Among all the regions in the country, the Amhara region faced higher poverty levels, largely due to the engineered system of the Weyane regime. Over Weyane's 27 years in power, the Amharas were systematically disarmed. Bereket and Meles worked closely to ensure the Amharas remained powerless and subdued. Weyane orchestrated what was dubbed the "small arms disarmament conference" through the OAU, selectively targeting the Amharas for disarmament while, as evident in Tigray, other groups retained their weaponry.

The vulnerability of the Amharas was recognized, a fact exploited by Weyane, which knew it could act with impunity in the Amhara region. Armed resistance by the Amharas began towards the end of Hailemarim's tenure. Subsequently, conflict erupted between Weyane, who lost dominion over Ethiopia, and the ambitious Abiy, aiming to establish his Oromuma realm atop the ruins of Weyane's authority. Similar to Weyane's manipulation of Ethiopian nationalism during the Eritrea war, Abiy fanned the flames of Ethiopian nationalism to rally the Amharas against Weyane, who played into Abiy's hands through their rhetoric and actions.

After Abiy vanquished Weyane and confined them to Tigray, he recognized the threat to his vision of shaping Ethiopia in his Oromuma image. A critical discussion with his cabinet post-Weyane's containment centered on addressing the challenge posed by irregular armed groups. Weyane's war inadvertently led to the Amhara region becoming better armed, although it still trailed behind Oromia and Tigray. Despite the looming threat from Abiy and Weyane, Fano's supporters remained proactive, organizing and communicating, anticipating Abiy's "law and order" initiative.

As the conflict drew to a close, the Amharas fundamentally altered their political and military engagement strategies, departing from their previous trajectory. If four months of warfare could induce such profound changes, it's intriguing to imagine the potential transformation wrought through sustained collaboration between the Amharas and other Ethiopians in the coming year. The Amharas' ability to effectuate such foundational change in response to 40 years of discrimination and alienation is a source of pride. This inevitable transformation will prompt all opposing forces to reevaluate their positions in light of the new reality.

TGAA,
የታወቀው የፈርንሳይ ሶሺያ ሂስቶሪያን ምን ይል መሰለህ ህዝቦች በአመጽ ተነስተህ ከዚያ መንግስት ሳይገለብቱ ሲቀር ፣ ሕዝብ አምጾ ይነሳል፣ ይታገላል፣ ይሞታል ። ከዚያ በኋል ያ አመጽ ራዲካል የመግስት ስልጣን ጣለም ተሸነፈ ከዚያ በኋላ ይላል ከዚያ በኋላ የገዥው ስርዓት ብቻ ሳይሆን ሕዝቡ እራሱ እንዳልነበረ ሆኖ ይለወጣል ይላል ። ይህ ተደጋግሞ ተደጋግሞ በታሪክ የተከሰተ ነው።

ከዚህ በኋላ የሚለወጠው የአቢይ አህመድ ኦሮሙማ አገዛዝ ብቻ አይደለም የአማራ ሕዝብም እንዳልነበረ ሆኖ ተለውጧል፣ ይለወጣል ። የምተለው ያንን ነው፣ ከዚህ በኋላ ማንም ተነስቶ እንደ ማያንገላታው ልብ ብለህ ተከታተል ። የመንግስት መውደቅ የጉዞው ፍጻሜ ነው እንጂ አሁን አይናችን ላይ ለውጡ እየገሰግሰ ነው !!!!