Mereja.Forum

[Horus]

ባለፉት 46 አመታት ስንት ሺ ትግሬና ስንት ሺ ኢትዮጵያዊ ሞተ?

ስንት ኤርትሪያዊ ሞተ?

ስንት ትግሬ አካለ ስንኩል ሽባ ሆነ?

ስንት ኢትዮጵያዊ በዎያኔ ወታደር ታሰረ፣ ተገረፈ፣ ተሰቃየ?

ስንት ንብረት ወደመ?

ስንት ቢሊዮን ዶላር ባከነ?

ስንትና ስንት የሰው ችሎታ ፣ እውቀት ፣ ግዜ ፈሰሰ?

ባለፉት 46 አመታት በትግሬ አመጽ አማካይነት የወደመው ሙሉ ህይወትና ሃብት ስንት ነገር ለመገንባት ያስችል ነበር?

ኢትዮጵያ በ46 አመት ያጠፋችው ሰው እና ሃብት ምን ያህል ያበለጽጋት ነበር?

ይህን እብደት ሊያይ የሚችል እንዴት አንድ የትግሬ አዋቂ ይጠፋል?

እና ዛሬ ከዚህ ሁሉ የ50 አመት እብደት በኋላ ትግሬ ምን አገኘች?

4 ሚሊዮን ተኩል አሁንም እህል ለማኝ ነው!

ታዲያ ትህነግ ለምን?

[Horus]

[Horus]

እና ትግሬ አንድ ያልተገራ፣ ጋጥ ወጥ ፣ እናትና አባቱን የሚያስጨንቅ አስቸጋሪ ልጅ ስለሆነ ምን አገኘ? የት ደረሰ? ምን አይነት ማንነት አተረፈ?

https://www.youtube.com/post/UgwizIS6rKyggS3bwo14AaABCQ

[Tiago]

One of the most devastating effects of Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism is its utter failure to protect minorities. For instance, the 1994 constitution created a new region called Benishangul-Gumuz as one of Ethiopia’s nine (now 10) administrative regional states, as a homeland to the Benishangul and Gumuz ethnic groups. The region’s constitution affirms that the region “belongs” to five native ethnic groups: the Berta, Gumuz, Shinasha, Mao, and Komo. Other important minorities like Amharas, Oromos, and Agaws, who make up at least 40 percent of the region’s population, are treated as second-class citizens without a right to create their own (ethnic) parties for legitimate political representation.

The failure to safeguard minorities extends to all regional states, leaving minorities in a precarious situation where they live with a constant fear of eviction. A narrative of “natives” versus “outsiders” and a political discourse grounded in ethnic grievances inevitably feeds into cycles of violence. In times of political change and instability, such as the period since 2015, ethnic tensions have boiled over, making minorities victims of brutal killing, eviction, and displacement.

The number of these incidents is despairingly too great to count but includes recent episodes where Amharas were displaced by the thousands in Oromia, Oromos were displaced from Somali region, Tigrayans were violently evicted from Amhara region, as well as a perpetual violence in Benishangul-Gumuz region that has brought death and destruction to hundreds from all ethnic groups. These tragic events have not only traumatized millions but also frayed the tender threads of trust and social capital that have held communities together for centuries.

Moreover, in its fixation on ethnic autonomy, the current constitution has severely impaired, perhaps intentionally, the political power of urban centers—which are ethnic melting pots and thus do not fit the ideological straitjacket of ethnic purity. Since the constitution defines land as a property of ethnic groups, cities without a specific ethnic identity have been left without land, and hence without a right to statehood.


The experiment in ethnic federalism has led to the formation of powerful, militarized, ethnic regional states that harbor old grievances against one another, along with unresolved border disputes that could ignite conflicts at any time. Unless the power of these regional administrations is checked proactively, there is tangible risk that they could be drawn into devastating conflicts that will wreak havoc not only in Ethiopia, but also in neighboring countries, each of which shares at least one ethnic group with Ethiopia.
Boundary disputes between ethnic regions are hard to resolve, because almost all ethnic boundaries are artificial concoctions that lack historical precedents. Prior to the creation of these boundaries in 1994, Ethiopia’s many dozens of ethnic groups seldom had administrative boundaries entirely based on ethnic affiliation. Administrative boundaries were typically porous as people freely moved across geographies, especially in the lowlands, where people followed a mobile, nomadic lifestyle. None of the regional states of the federation existed in their current form and many, such as Amhara and Oromia regions, ever historically existed as separate, independent entities, within Ethiopia or outside. The top-down manufacturing of ethnic nations, complete with sovereign territorial boundaries, has begotten simmering border disputes that threaten to plunge the country into a civil war.


It is clear that Ethiopia’s ethnic federalism needs a major overhaul in order to sustain a peaceful electoral democracy. Without a reform, the system remains a risk to itself and the country, as ethnic rivalries could easily descend into cycles of violence that will endlessly repeat the traumatic experience of the past five years

https://foreignpolicy.com/2021/02/11/et ... stitution/

[Horus]

Tiago,

My guess is that immediately following the next election, reforming the constitution, the federal system and ethnic kilils will certainly become the life and death national agenda items.