Mereja.Forum

[Zmeselo]

Those short-sighted, immature Ethiopian politicians and trolls need to wake up. The future of Eritrea’s ports is not solely dependent on regional service. These ports have a much wider role as strategic hubs for multiple countries, not just Ethiopia.

Eritrea couldn't fully utilize the strategic potential of its ports due to years of illegal sanctions and hidden agendas designed to cripple the country. Stop with this narrow-minded thinking that Assab exists only for Ethiopia. Go back and study history—these ports served a much larger purpose long before they fell into the hands of expansionist ambitions.

And do you know why the UAE is stirring up chaos in the region, particularly targeting Eritrea’s ports? Because they understand that in the eyes of global shipping and trade, their ports will lose competitiveness to Eritrea’s due to their superior strategic location. That’s why they are using the so-called "Beshasha King" to make noise against Eritrea. As always, money talks. No matter how much noise they make or how much money they throw around, the truth will always prevail. Eritrea’s ports have a natural strategic advantage, and no amount of interference can change that.

[sarcasm]

Is he going to tell us his parents originated from Tigray?



viewtopic.php?t=332894

[Zmeselo]

Africa politics
Saudi Arabia’s Strategic Investments in Eritrea’s Port of Assab Amid Rising Regional Tensions

https://www.faf.ae/home/2025/3/10/saudi ... l-tensions

Mar 10, 2025

Introduction

The Port of Assab, situated along Eritrea’s Red Sea coast, has emerged as a focal point of Saudi Arabia’s economic and geopolitical strategy in the Horn of Africa.

Article analyzes Saudi Arabia’s investment prospects in Assab against the backdrop of escalating tensions driven by Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s renewed claims over Red Sea access.

Saudi Arabia’s historical role as a mediator, combined with its Vision 2030 economic diversification goals, positions it as a critical nation in stabilizing the region through infrastructure development and diplomatic engagement.

However, Abiy’s rhetoric on securing a seaport—potentially through military means—threatens to destabilize the fragile peace established by the 2018 Jeddah Peace Pact.

The following sections explore the strategic, economic, and security dimensions of Saudi-Eritrean cooperation, Ethiopia’s destabilizing ambitions, and the challenges to regional stability.

Historical Context of Saudi-Eritrea Relations

Saudi Arabia’s Mediation in the Eritrea-Ethiopia Conflict
Saudi Arabia’s involvement in the Horn of Africa intensified following the 2018 Jeddah Peace Pact, which normalized relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia after decades of hostility.

The agreement, brokered with support from the UAE and the African Union, marked a turning point in regional diplomacy.

By leveraging its geographic proximity and economic influence, Saudi Arabia positioned itself as a key mediator, offering Ethiopia a $140 million loan in 2019 to develop infrastructure critical to bilateral trade. This initiative aimed to consolidate peace by addressing Ethiopia’s landlocked status through access to Eritrean ports, including Assab.

Economic Incentives and Red Sea Partnerships

Saudi investments in the Horn of Africa surged to $13 billion between 2000 and 2017, driven by food security needs and post-oil economic diversification under Vision 2030.

The Kingdom’s focus on port development, such as the modernization of Jeddah Islamic Port and Dammam’s King Abdulaziz Port, reflects its broader strategy to enhance Red Sea trade routes.

For Eritrea, Assab’s deep-water harbor and proximity to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait—a chokepoint for 10% of global maritime trade—make it a strategic asset for Saudi-led initiatives.

Joint economic zones and Saudi-funded road projects sought to integrate Eritrea into regional supply chains, though border closures in 2018 delayed these plans.

The Strategic Value of Assab Port

Infrastructure and Trade Potential

Assab’s infrastructure includes deep-water berths, cargo handling equipment, and storage facilities capable of servicing large commercial and military vessels.

Prior to Eritrea’s independence in 1993, the port handled 90% of Ethiopia’s trade, but its capacity dwindled during the border war.

Saudi Arabia’s interest in rehabilitating Assab aligns with its goal to establish a network of Red Sea ports, reducing reliance on Djibouti, which currently handles 95% of Ethiopia’s imports.

The World Bank’s 2025 Ports Rehabilitation Project highlights Assab’s potential to become a transshipment hub if modernized, with projections to increase annual throughput from 2.8 million tons to 5 million tons.

Geopolitical Significance

Control over Assab would grant Saudi Arabia leverage in a region where rivals like the UAE and Turkey are expanding influence through ports in Berbera (Somaliland) and Djibouti.

The port’s proximity to Yemen also positions it as a logistical node for Saudi-led military operations, though Eritrea’s 2024 closure of the Qatar-mediated Djibouti border underscores lingering regional disputes.

For Eritrea, Saudi investments offer a lifeline amid international isolation, with bilateral trade reaching $3.7 million in 2023, primarily in construction materials.

Saudi Arabia’s Economic Initiatives in the Horn

Vision 2030 and Cross-Red Sea Investments

Saudi Arabia’s National Transformation Plan prioritizes technical and financial partnerships with Horn nations to address food insecurity and unemployment.

In 2021, the Saudi Ports Authority (Mawani) invited private investors to develop multipurpose terminals under build-operate-transfer (BOT) models, including at Jizan and Yanbu—a framework potentially replicable in Assab.

These projects aim to diversify Saudi logistics capabilities while integrating Eritrea and Ethiopia into GCC supply chains. For instance, the proposed Saudi Logistics City in Djibouti mirrors efforts to position Assab as a gateway for African markets.

Challenges to Economic Integration

Despite Saudi financing, Eritrea’s centralized economy and Ethiopia’s debt crisis ($28 billion as of 2024) hinder progress. The 2018 closure of Eritrea’s border with Ethiopia over market dominance fears disrupted joint economic zones, delaying the Jeddah Pact’s trade objectives.

Additionally, Saudi-Eritrean trade remains modest compared to the UAE’s $5 billion investments in Ethiopian agriculture and manufacturing.

Regional Security Concerns and Ethiopia’s Ambitions

Abiy Ahmed’s Port Demands and Domestic Pressures

Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s October 2023 declaration that Ethiopia “will fight” for Red Sea access reflects mounting domestic crises.

With military defeats in Amhara and Oromia, Abiy has shifted focus to nationalist rhetoric, invoking historical claims over Assab and Massawa.

Ethiopia’s reliance on Djibouti costs $1 billion annually in port fees, exacerbating its foreign currency shortage.

While Abiy denies plans for invasion, his mobilization of 500,000 troops near the Eritrean border and arms imports from Turkey and Iran signal preparedness for conflict.

Eritrea’s Defensive Posture

Eritrea, bolstered by Saudi and Emirati security guarantees, has fortified Assab’s military infrastructure, including air defense systems. President Isaias Afwerki’s March 2025 message to Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman reaffirmed bilateral ties, suggesting Saudi backing for Eritrea’s territorial integrity.

However, Eritrea’s 2024 expulsion of UAE-linked firms from Massawa underscores tensions over competing Gulf investments.

Saudi Arabia’s Diplomatic Balancing Act

Mediation and Conflict Prevention

Saudi Arabia’s 2018–2020 peace initiatives included hosting talks between Djibouti and Eritrea, though these collapsed over the disputed Doumeira Islands.

The Kingdom’s current strategy emphasizes economic incentives to deter Ethiopian aggression, such as offering Ethiopia stakes in Assab’s development in exchange for renouncing territorial claims.

However, Abiy’s refusal to participate in Igad summits complicates dialogue.

Regional Alliances and Counterterrorism

Collaboration with the UAE and Egypt on Red Sea security initiatives aims to counter Houthi threats and Somali piracy, with Assab serving as a surveillance hub.

Saudi Arabia’s $12.7 billion refinery project in Djibouti, launched in July 2024, complements these efforts while hedging against instability in Eritrea.

Challenges to Saudi Investments

Infrastructure and Governance Risks

Assab’s outdated equipment and limited connectivity to Eritrea’s road network necessitate $200 million in upgrades, per World Bank estimates.

Bureaucratic hurdles in Eritrea’s state-controlled economy further deter private investors, despite Mawani’s BOT proposals.

Geopolitical Rivalries

The UAE’s dominance in Djibouti and Somaliland challenges Saudi influence, while Turkey’s military base in Somalia threatens to fragment regional alliances.

Ethiopia’s warming ties with Iran, a Saudi rival, adds complexity, particularly following Tehran’s 2024 drone shipments to Addis Ababa.

Conclusion and Recommendations

Saudi Arabia’s investment in Assab represents a strategic bet on Red Sea trade diversification amid Abiy Ahmed’s destabilizing port claims.

While the Kingdom’s economic and diplomatic tools have thus far averted war, Ethiopia’s desperation for sea access and Eritrea’s militarization demand proactive measures. Recommendations include

Expanding Multilateral Engagement

Strengthening Igad’s role to mediate Ethiopia-Eritrea disputes, backed by AU and UN support.

Accelerating Port Modernization

Partnering with the World Bank to fast-track Assab’s rehabilitation, prioritizing container handling and road links to Ethiopia.

Economic Incentives for Ethiopia

Offering Addis Ababa equity in Assab’s operations or discounted tariffs to reduce dependency on Djibouti.

The coming months will test Saudi Arabia’s ability to balance regional ambitions with conflict prevention, ensuring that Assab’s potential is realized without reigniting war.

[Zmeselo]

SEVEN CHARGED FOR ATTACK ON ERITREA FESTIVAL

Just before the Eritrean festival was due to start in August 2023, it was attacked by hundreds of protesters. Seven of them are now facing charges for their involvement in the attack.


The level of violence during the attack at the festival is described in the preliminary investigation report as extremely high. FUP/Montage: Proletären

By August Eliasson

https://proletaren.se/artikel/sju-atala ... eafestival

On Monday, the trial began against seven people who participated in the attack on an Eritrean cultural festival in Järva 2023. The seven are suspected of having participated in the crowd that, armed with sticks, attacked the festival tent and set fire to objects and festival tents.

I was on my way to the festival and was right at the entrance when I saw a bunch of young people running in, destroying tents and throwing objects,

says Asmerom Berhane, a member of the Swedish-Eritrean Association and long-time festival participant.

The annual Eritrean cultural festival was to be held on August 3, 2023 at Järvafältet in Stockholm. But just before the festival began, it was attacked by hundreds of protesters, and around 50 festival participants, including the elderly and children, were injured.

I thought it was going to be a disaster,

says Asmerom Berhane, who says he is above all pissed off at the actions of the police.

They let the protesters in, it felt like they were on their side. It makes me sad and angry.

In the media and among politicians, the focus was not on those who attacked the festival – but on the festival being said to be “collaborating” with the Eritrean regime, which was also alleged to be taxing Eritreans in Sweden. The attacks were described as “clashes” between regime critics and regime supporters.

I saw how they set fire to tents and cars! It was not a “clash”, it was something the media made up. There were hundreds who attacked innocent women and children.

In the preliminary investigation report, which Proletären has read, it is clear that the police were unprepared and understaffed despite festival participants expressing their concern for them. Individual police officers testify that the attackers were determined and that

deaths were what mattered.

The level of violence is described as “extremely high”, with demonstrators jumping on festival participants’ heads and one person apparently having his legs amputated.

In interrogations of the seven defendants, it emerged that the demonstrators consisted of people from Sweden, not only from all over Sweden but also from Norway, the Netherlands and Germany. One of the defendants said that they belonged to Brigade N’Hamedu, which claims to organize government-critical Eritreans in the diaspora.

However, there are those who believe that the group largely consists of Tigreans from Ethiopia who want revenge on Eritrea because of the country’s involvement in the civil war in Tigray. According to Austria’s former ambassador to Ethiopia, among others, many asylum seekers from Ethiopia also state that they are Eritreans in order to obtain a residence permit.

Asmerom Berhane believes that many of those who attacked were Ethiopians, rather than Eritreans. In any case, he believes that there are better ways to protest against the Eritrean government than to attack a peaceful cultural festival.

They can think whatever they want. In Sweden, you have the right to demonstrate and organize. But this was an attack on law-abiding people, not on the Eritrean government!

What is the situation like for the Swedish-Eritreans who want to organize such activities today?

We are very affected by this threat. The festival has been going on for a long time, and has gathered tens of thousands. We have gathered whole families and celebrated our common culture, but there have also been lectures about Swedish society, about integration and about Swedish culture. Of course we come from Eritrea, we cannot deny that. But now it has become customary that it should be a political festival and that we are regime supporters. That is completely wrong!

A 35-year-old man has already been convicted of aggravated assault, after beating a lying man with a plank in connection with the riot. Now Asmerom Berhane hopes that the trial will provide vindication for the festival organizers.

It is mostly a symbolic trial. Actually, there should be many more than seven people charged. But I hope for a fair punishment.

[Zmeselo]

Eritrea ‘s Ambassador to the UN @AmbStesfamariam visited the @UNinEritrea team today. Discussions included the shared partnership for acceleration on the Sustainable Development Goals and Eritrea’s role in the global multilateral space.




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[Zmeselo]

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Following the procurement of 70 Vestfrost cold chain units, Eritrea’s MOH & UNICEF conducted a three-day training to enhance the installation, maintenance, and management skills of Zonal EPI focal points and Cold Chain Technicians from all six Zobas. @uniceferitrea

[Zmeselo]

ልሂቃን ኢትዮጵያ፡ ስለምንታይ ካብ ርእሲ ኤርትራ ዘይወርዱ?

ፍስሃየ ኪዳነ (ወዲ ፖሊስ)

ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ @shabait

ኣብ ዓለም፡ ፖለቲካ ሃገራት ክጸላሎን ክመላላእን ግድን እዩ። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ሓንቲ ሃገር ኣብ ዝኾነ ኵርናዕ ትደኰን፡ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ረብሓ ዝምርኰስ፡ ምስ ካልእ ልኡላዊት ሃገር ዲፕሎማስያዊ ጽምዶን ርክብን ክተማዕብል ትኽእል እያ። ካብኡን ናብኡን ከኣ፡ ብሕልፊ ኣብ መንጎ ብጕርብትና ዝቀራረባ ሃገራት ዝህሉዉ ርክባት፡ ብዝያዳ ንጂኦግራፍ፡ ባህሊ፡ ቋንቋ፡ ቍጠባ፡ ታሪኽ ወዘተ. ማእከል ስለ ዝገብሩ፡ ብተዛማዲ፡ ተቐራረብትን ተመላላእትን እዮም።

ኣብ ዝኾነ ታሪኻዊ እዋን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክህሉ ዝኽእል ፖለቲካዊ ዝምድና፡ ካብ መቓን’ዚ ክልሰ-ሓሳብ’ዚ ክወጽእ ዝኽእል ኣይኮነን። ኣብ መንጎ ክልተአን ሃገራት ዝህነጽ ፖለቲካውን ዲፕሎማስያውን ዝምድና’ውን፡ ኣብ ዝምድና ‘ገዛኢት-ነበርን (Hegemonic State) ተገዛኢት-ነበርን (Diasporic State)’ ክምርኰስ ኣይግባእን። እንታይ ደኣ፡ ብመባእታዊ ክልሰ-ሓሳብ ዓለም-ለኻዊ ዝምድናታት (International Relations) ክምረን ይግባእ። ብኻልእ ቃል፡ ኣብ ሓድሕዳዊ ዝምድና ሃገራት፡

ቀዋሚ ረብሓ ህዝብታት’ምበር፡ ቀዋሚ መሓዛን ጸላኢን ግን የለን፡

ንዝብል ስትራተጅያዊ መትከል ከኽብር ይግባእ።

ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ርክብ ሃገራት፡ ኣብ ስልጣን ዝመጽኡ ልሂቃን፡ እንተስ ንምጥዓዩ: እንተስ ንምሕማሙ፡ ወሳኒ ግደን ጽልዋን ኣለዎም። በዚ መንጽር እንክርአ፡ ዛጊት፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክኸይድ ዝጸንሐ ፖለቲካዊ ዝምድናታት፡ ኣብ

ውልዕ-ጥፍእ (on-off)

ዝምርኰስ እዩ ክበሃል ይክኣል።

ብሕልፊ ድሕሪ መላእ ናጽነት ኤርትራ (1991)፡ ብሸነኽ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ኰረሻ ስልጣን ዝመጽኡ ልሂቃን ፖለቲካ (Political Elites)፡ ቀንዲ ምብልሻው ዝምድናታት ክልተኦም ህዝብታት’ዮም። እቲ ምኽንያት ድማ፡ ልቦም ነጺሁ ስለ ዘይፈልጥ ጥራይ እዩ። እቲ ዝፈርዘነ ጠንቂ ግን፡ ኣብ ክልተ ነጥ ብታት ክጽመቝ ይኽእል።

ቀዳማይ፡ ስርዓት ኢህወደግ-ወያነ ይዅን መንግስቲ ብልጽግና፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብዘሎን ዝተዀስኰሰን

ሓድነት ህዝቢ፡ ስጥመት መሪሕነትን ብቕዓት ሓይልታት ምክልኻልን ጸጥታን

ወርትግ ስለዘይቀስኑ ይመስል።

ካልኣይ፡ ቀደም ኮነ ሎሚ፡ ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ፡ ዛዕባ ባዕዳውያንን ወይ ምዕራባውያን ሃገራትን (ኣመሪካ፡ እንግሊዝ፡ ሶቬት-ሕብረት) መልህቓን ወከልቶምን (ሕቡራት ኢማራት ዓረብ) ንምስሳይ ቀዳምነት ስለ ዝወስዱዎ እዩ። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ኣብ ከንፈርን ቅርኒብ ኣዒንትን ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ፡ ወትሩ፡ ‘ሻዕብያ ወይ ኤርትራ’ ዝብል ቃል ሰፊሩ ይርከብ። ኣብ ርእሲ’ዚ፡ ልሂቃን ፖለቲካ ኢትዮጵያ እንክደኽሙን ብዘቤታዊ ኩነታት ህዝቦም ምስ ዝብድሁን፡ ‘ባሕሪ’ ንዝብል ምኽንያት (ሕማም) ከም መስተንፈሲ ቅልውላዋቶም፡ መሳበቢ ጕርብትና፡ መተኣኻኸብን መለዓዓልን ህዝቢ ክዝምሩሉ ይፍትኑ ምዃኖም እዩ።



መንግስቲ ብልጽግና’ውን፡ ካብ ደግሲ ቅድመኡ ዝተሳዕሩ ስርዓታት ኣያታቱ ክወጽእ ፍቓደኛ ዘይምዃኑ፡ ንህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ ንኸጋግዮ ህርድግ ምባሉ እዩ። እቲ ዝገርም፡ አረ ንካልኦትሲ ዘሻቕል ዝመስል፡ ግን ከኣ፡ ካብ ሰበ-ስልጣን ኢትዮጵያ ጥራይ ብምድግጋም ዝጋውሑ፡ ብሰንኪ

እንተታት ምብልሻው ዝምድና ኤርትራ-ኢትዮጵያ፡

ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣውራ ኣብ መንጎ ክልተአን ሃገራት፡ ዳግም መሪር ኲናት ከይውላዕ ዝብል ስክፍታ እዩ።

ምናልባት፡ እቲ ዋና ምኽንያት ድማ፡ ያኢ ኢትዮጵያ ዓቕላ ጸቢቡዋስ፡ ብሸነኽ ዓሰብ ኣፍ-ደገ ባሕሪ ንምኽፋት፡ ንኤርትራ ኣብ ኲናት ከይትጸምድ ዝብል ይመስል። ኤርትራ ካብ ገዛኢታ-ነበር ኢትዮጵያ ነባሪ ስግኣት ክቕንጠጠላ እንተኾይኑ፡ ሓንቲ ወደብ (ባጽዕ) ስለ እትኣኽላ፡ ረድያ-ጸሊኣ፡ ንዓሰብ ክትገድፈላ ይግባእ ዝብል ስዉር ስነ-ልቦናዊ ኲናት (Psychological Warfare) ምዃኑ ከኣ ኣይተርፎን እዩ።

ብዘይጥርጥር፡ እዚ ኣጕል ምጕት’ዚ፡ ወርትግ ንቐዳሞት ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ ዝለከመ እዩ። ብኣንጻሩ ከኣ፡ ንሃገራዊ መንነት ኤርትራውያን ብምዅላዕ፡ ንመኸተ ሃገራውነትን ስትራተጅያዊ ዓወትን ካብቶም ቀንዲ ረቛሒታት ምዃኑ፡ ዝተዘንግዐ ይመስል።

ብሸነኽ ኤርትራ፡ ዋላ’ኳ ብልሂቃን ኢትዮጵያ ዝብሃል ፕሮፖጋንዳዊ ዘመተን ስነ-ኣእምሮኣዊ ኲናትን ዘየዐርፍ እንተዀነ፡ ዝኾነ ‘ምልክት ሻቅሎት’ ይዅን መልስን መብርህን ክውሃብ’ውን ኣይርአን። ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ፡ ሻዕብያ፡ ካብ ባህሊ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣትሒዙ ዝኽተሎን ዘማዕበሎን መስመርን መትከልን ፖለቲካ፡ ‘ዝገብር ንኣደኡ ነይነግር፡’ ዝብል ምዃኑ፡ ንዝኾነ ምስጢር ኣይኮነን። አረ፡ ብዋዕዋዕታ ደኣ እንትርፎ ዚጋደድ’ምበር፡ ዝዀነ ይዅን ዝፋዀስ ጕዳይ’ውን፡ ክህሉ ኣይክእልን እዩ። መንግስቲ ኤርትራ’ውን፡ ሆይሆይታ ፋይዳ ስለ ዘይርከቦ፡ ብሸነኽ ኢትዮጵያ ወግሐ-ጸብሐ ንዝልዓል ዛዕባ ክምልስን ከሳሰይን ክብል፡ ንፖለቲካ ኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ንምንህሃር ዝመረጸ ኣይመስልን። ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ግን፡ ካብ መራሕ ሃገር ሓሊፉ፡ ዋላ ወኪል ሰልፊ እየ ዝብል ተራን ተልሜደንን ፖለቲከኛ ኮነ ንጡፍ ካድረ፡ ሻዕብያን ኤርትራን ‘መጽረዪ ኣፉ’ ምዃና ከገርም ዘይክእል ትዕዝብቲ ኮይኑ ይርከብ።

ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ብሓይለ-ዘረባ ተሃንካ ምውጻእ፡ ባህሊ ይመስል። ብኣንጻሩ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ግን፡ ብዛዕባ ክትገብሮ እትኽእልን ዘይትኽእልን ለለ ምባል፡ የሕፍርን የጽልእን ምዃኑ፡ ዋላ ንህጻን ዝጠፍኦ ኣይኮነን። ብዝኾነ፡ ኣብ ፍረ ዝርከቦ ዛዕባን ኣርእስትን ሓሳብ ምፍሳስ’ኳ ዘኽፍእ’ውን ኣይኮነን።



ንኣብነት፡ ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት መመላእታ

ኢትዮጵያ፡ ምስ ዝዓቢ ዘሎ ህዝባን ቍጠባኣን፡ ጂኦግራፍያዊ ኣቀማምጣኣን፡ ኣፍ-ደገ ባሕሪ በየን ክትረኽቦ ትኽእል ብዘየገድስ፡ ኣጀንዳ ህላወ ባሕሪ ንድሕሪት እትመልሶ ጕዳይ ኣይኮነን። ኢትዮጵያ፡ እስርቲ ጂኦግራፍ ኣይትኸውንን እያ፡

ዝብል ጐስጓሳት ብቅሉዕ ክካየድ ጸኒሑ ኣሎ።

መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ቃሉ ንጸሓይ ካብ ዘውቅዕ ኣትሒዙ፡ ንሃገሩ ኣብ ከበባ ጐረባብቲ ብምእታው፡ ከቢድ ዋጋ የኽፍላ ኣሎ ክበሃል ይክኣል እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ’ውን፡ ናብ ገፊሕ ተነጽሎ ገጹ ዘምርሓ ዘሎ ይመስል። ኣብዚ ወርሒ’ዚ፡ ሓደ ጀነራል ኢትዮጵያ፡

ኢትዮጵያ፡ ንዛዕባ ኣገዳስነት ባሕሪ ንዓለም ብእዉጅ ምፍላጣ ጥራይ ዓቢ ዓወት እዩ፡

ብምባል፡ ንቃል ሓለቓኡ ክደግም ፈቲኑ።

ብዝኾነ መዐቀኒ፡ እዚ ሕልሚ’ዚ፡ ንፖለቲከኛታት መንግስቲ ብልጽግና ካብ

ቅልውላው ሕጋውነት (Legitimmacy Crisis)

ንምውጻእ ዝተማህዘ መድሕን እዩ።

ብኻልእ ሓረግ፡ ከምቲ መራሒ መንግስቲ ኢህወደግ-ወያነ (ኢትዮጵያ)፡ ነፍሲሄር መለስ ዜናዊ፡ ፖለቲካዊ ምሕደራ ኢትዮጵያ ልዕሊ ቊጽጽር ምምሕዳሩ ምስ ኮኖ፡ ሰበብ ዶብ ብምምሃዝ፡ ንህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ ምስ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኲናት ብምንቛት፡ ኣተኵሮኡ ንምቕያርን ንምግዛእን ዝፈተኖ እዩ። ብዓቢኡ፡ ሰበስልጣን ኢትዮጵያ፡ ሕጋውያን ዶባት ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ናብ ዘይነበረሉ ግዜ፡ ቅድመ-መግዛእቲ ጣልያን ብምምላስ፡

ራእሲ ኣሉላ ኣባ ነጋ’ውን፡ ንቀይሕ ባሕሪ ከም እጀታ ኢትዮጵያ ይፈልጦን ይጥቀመሉን ነይሩ፡

ዝብል መነጻጸሪ ከቕርቡ ምፍታኖም፡ ንታሪኽ ምኽሓድን ንልቦና ክልተኦም ህዝብታት ምድፋርን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣንጻር ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዳርጋ ጥይት ከም ምትኳስ’ውን፡ ክቚጸር ይኽእል።

ብሓጺሩ፡ ልሂቃን ፖለቲካ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ወትሩ፡ ስለምንታይ ንኤርትራ ንሰበብን ኵናትን ክጋብዙ ይፍትኑ፡ መልሲ’ውን፡ ዝርከቦ ኣይኮነን!

ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ብሰንኪ ሰንኰፍ ኣተሓሕዛ ፖለቲካ መንግስቲ ብልጽግና፡ ብሕልፊ ክልላት ኣምሓራን ትግራይን ዳርጋ ኣብ ሕጊ ኣልቦነት ተሸሚመን ይርከባ። ኣብ ማእከል ኢትዮጵያ ይዅን ኣብ ክልተአን ክልላት ዝርከቡ ሰበ-ስልጣን ግን፡ ንኤርትራ’ውን፡ ኣካል ፖለቲካውን ወተሃደራውን፡ ‘ኣበራቶም ወይ መፍትሒ እማመታቶም’ ንምግባራ፡ ከየልዓሉዋ ኣይውዕሉን። ገለ ልሂቃንን ሰበ-ስልጣንን ኢትዮጵያ፡

ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ክሊ ኣምሓራ ንዝንቀሳቐሱ ተዋጋእቲ ሓይልታት ፋኖ ተሳስዮምን ትቕልሶምን ምዃና፡

ክሓምዩ ይፍትኑ እዮም።

ብተመሳሳሊ፡ ኣብ ክሊ ትግራይ’ውን፡ ንህወሓት (ወያነ)ን ትግራይን ኣብ ክልተ ቐጸላታት ገሚዖም ዝርከቡ ሰበ-ስልጣን፡ ገና ንኤርትራ ካብ ምውንጃል ኣይረብረቡን። ንኣብነት፡ ግዝያዊ ፕረዚደንት ክልል ትግራይ፡ ንመቐናቕንቱ ዝኾነ

ምስ ሻዕብያ ርክብ ስለ ዝጀመረ፡ ንሓይልታት ግዳም ዝኣመነ ጕጅለ’ዩ

ብምባል፡ ኣፉ መሊኡ ክኸስስ ተሰሚዑ።

ካብዚ ብዘይፍለ፡ ብወገን ጨለታት ልጓም-ኣልቦ ማሕበራውያን መራኸቢታት’ውን፡

ሻዕብያ: ንፋኖን ሓደ ጕጅለ ህወሓትን ብምትሕብባር፡ ስሉስ ኪዳን ብምምስራት፡ ንመንግስቲ ብልጽግና ካብ ስልጣን ንምብራር ኣንቂዱ ይርከብ

ክብሉ ይትንትኑ።

እምብኣር፡ ዜርካ ዜርካ፡ ካብዚ ኵሉ ዓፍራ’ዚ፡ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ጐረሮ ፖለቲካ ኢትዮጵያ ከም ዝሰፈረት ዓጽሚ፡ ተራኣን ጽልዋኣን ክሳብ ክንደይ ወሳኒ ምዃኑ፡ ባዕላቶም ኢትዮጵያውያን ይኣምኑ ምዃኖም ትግንዘብ።

ብርግጽ፡ ልሂቃን ኢትዮጵያ፡ ንወሳኒ ፖለቲካዊ ጽልዋ ኤርትራ ኣይክሕዱን እዮም። ይዅን’ምበር፡ ብሰንኪ ዝንቡዕ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባኦምን ዝንቡዕ ሸውሃት ባሕርን፡ ንሰናይ ጕርብትና፡ ሃናጺ ኣበርክቶን ጽልዋን ቍመና ኤርትራ ብዝግባእ ክምዝምዙዎ ኣይፍትኑን እዮም። እቲ ዝገደደ ድኽመት ድማ: ዛጊት ንኢትዮጵያ ዝመርሑ ሰበ-ስልጣን ኢትዮጵያ፡ ብሰሪ ጽግዕተኛነት ናብ ግዳማውያን ርእሰ-ሓያላንን፡ ብወለንታኦም ይዅን ተገዲዶም፡ ኣንጻር ህዝብን መንግስትን ኤርትራ ዛጊት ዝወስዱዎም ፖለቲካዊ መርገጽን ስጕምትን፡ ብስነ-መጐት ዘይቅምሩዎ ምዃኖም እዮም። የግዲ ግን፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝነግሱ መንግስትታት፡ ይእመኑሉ ኣይእመኑሉ፡ እንተስ ክሰሩ፡ እንተስ ከይሰሩ፡ ብቐጥታ ይዅን ብተዛዋዋሪ፡ ዕጫኦም ካብ ኢድ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዘይወጽእ ምዃኑ፡ ሕሉፍ ታሪኽ ብህየቱ ምስክር እዩ።



ብሓቂ፡ ወለዶታት ኢትዮጵያ ታሪኽ ትማሊን ሎሚን ብምውካስ፡ ክመሃሩ ይግባእ እዩ። እቲ ምንታይ፡ ትማሊ: ዕጫ ውድቀት ዘመናውያን ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ (ሃይለ-ስላሰ፡ ደርግ፡ ኢህወደግ-ወያነ) ዝወሰነን ዝፈረደን፡ ብሰንኪ ኩነታት ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ዘይምጽዓዩ (ዓመጽን ዓለቝን ኢትዮጵያ ንኤርትራ ምግዳዱ)፡ ሻዕብያን መንግስቲ ሻዕብያን እንተ ነይሩ፡ ሎሚ ኮነ ጽባሕ’ውን፡ ዘይኮነሉ ምኽንያት ኣይክስኣንን እዩ።

ስለዚ፡ ሓደ ምስትውዓል ዝሓትት ኣገዳሲ ነጥቢ ኣሎ። ንሱ ከኣ፡ ሻዕብያ፡ ዝተዘርበ እንተ ተዘርበ፡ ቃል ምስትንፋስ ብፍጹም ባህሉ ኣይኮነን። ዋላ ካብ ድምጺ መድፍዕ ንላዕሊ ዝኾኑ ቃላት እንተ ተተኰሱ’ውን፡ ብምንም-ተኣምር ስግኣት ኮነ ፍርሒ ዝሓድሮ ኣይኮነን። ሻዕብያ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ጐብየ እዩ በቲ ኻልእ ከኣ ሓርገጽ እዩ። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ሻዕብያ፡ ብጕሁይ ልቡ ደቂሱ ዝሓድር ኣይኮነን። ኣማስያኡ ከም ጐብየ ‘ብዓቕልን ብስቕታን’ ቀስ ኢሉ እናኸደ፡ ከም ሓርገጽ ተደብዩ ብምጽናሕ፡ ንደመኛታት ጸላእቱ ዝምሕር ከምዘይኮነ ታሪኽ ብተደጋጋሚ ዝመስከሮ እዩ። እምበኣር: መልሓሰኛታት ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ኢትዮጵያ፡ ንዘቤታዊ ሽግራቶምን ቅልውላወቶምን መስተንፈስን መሳበብን ንምርካብ (scapegoat ንምንዳይ)፡ ወትሩ ስም ኤርትራ ካብ ምጽዋዕ ከዕርፉን ክእደቡን ይግባእ።

ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ልኡላውነታን ዘቤታዊ ኵነታታን ርእሳ ስለ እትኽእል፡ ጸጥታኣ ኮነ ቝጠባኣ ሳቦያ ኣይትሓተሉን እያ።

[Fiyameta]

[Temt]

ልሂቃን ኢትዮጵያ፡ ስለምንታይ ካብ ርእሲ ኤርትራ ዘይወርዱ?

ፍስሃየ ኪዳነ (ወዲ ፖሊስ)

ሚኒስትሪ ትምህርቲ @shabait

ኣብ ዓለም፡ ፖለቲካ ሃገራት ክጸላሎን ክመላላእን ግድን እዩ። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ሓንቲ ሃገር ኣብ ዝኾነ ኵርናዕ ትደኰን፡ ኣብ ሓባራዊ ረብሓ ዝምርኰስ፡ ምስ ካልእ ልኡላዊት ሃገር ዲፕሎማስያዊ ጽምዶን ርክብን ክተማዕብል ትኽእል እያ። ካብኡን ናብኡን ከኣ፡ ብሕልፊ ኣብ መንጎ ብጕርብትና ዝቀራረባ ሃገራት ዝህሉዉ ርክባት፡ ብዝያዳ ንጂኦግራፍ፡ ባህሊ፡ ቋንቋ፡ ቍጠባ፡ ታሪኽ ወዘተ. ማእከል ስለ ዝገብሩ፡ ብተዛማዲ፡ ተቐራረብትን ተመላላእትን እዮም።

ኣብ ዝኾነ ታሪኻዊ እዋን፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክህሉ ዝኽእል ፖለቲካዊ ዝምድና፡ ካብ መቓን’ዚ ክልሰ-ሓሳብ’ዚ ክወጽእ ዝኽእል ኣይኮነን። ኣብ መንጎ ክልተአን ሃገራት ዝህነጽ ፖለቲካውን ዲፕሎማስያውን ዝምድና’ውን፡ ኣብ ዝምድና ‘ገዛኢት-ነበርን (Hegemonic State) ተገዛኢት-ነበርን (Diasporic State)’ ክምርኰስ ኣይግባእን። እንታይ ደኣ፡ ብመባእታዊ ክልሰ-ሓሳብ ዓለም-ለኻዊ ዝምድናታት (International Relations) ክምረን ይግባእ። ብኻልእ ቃል፡ ኣብ ሓድሕዳዊ ዝምድና ሃገራት፡

ቀዋሚ ረብሓ ህዝብታት’ምበር፡ ቀዋሚ መሓዛን ጸላኢን ግን የለን፡

ንዝብል ስትራተጅያዊ መትከል ከኽብር ይግባእ።

ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ርክብ ሃገራት፡ ኣብ ስልጣን ዝመጽኡ ልሂቃን፡ እንተስ ንምጥዓዩ: እንተስ ንምሕማሙ፡ ወሳኒ ግደን ጽልዋን ኣለዎም። በዚ መንጽር እንክርአ፡ ዛጊት፡ ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ኢትዮጵያን ክኸይድ ዝጸንሐ ፖለቲካዊ ዝምድናታት፡ ኣብ

ውልዕ-ጥፍእ (on-off)

ዝምርኰስ እዩ ክበሃል ይክኣል።

ብሕልፊ ድሕሪ መላእ ናጽነት ኤርትራ (1991)፡ ብሸነኽ ኢትዮጵያ ኣብ ኰረሻ ስልጣን ዝመጽኡ ልሂቃን ፖለቲካ (Political Elites)፡ ቀንዲ ምብልሻው ዝምድናታት ክልተኦም ህዝብታት’ዮም። እቲ ምኽንያት ድማ፡ ልቦም ነጺሁ ስለ ዘይፈልጥ ጥራይ እዩ። እቲ ዝፈርዘነ ጠንቂ ግን፡ ኣብ ክልተ ነጥ ብታት ክጽመቝ ይኽእል።

ቀዳማይ፡ ስርዓት ኢህወደግ-ወያነ ይዅን መንግስቲ ብልጽግና፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ብዘሎን ዝተዀስኰሰን

ሓድነት ህዝቢ፡ ስጥመት መሪሕነትን ብቕዓት ሓይልታት ምክልኻልን ጸጥታን

ወርትግ ስለዘይቀስኑ ይመስል።

ካልኣይ፡ ቀደም ኮነ ሎሚ፡ ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ፡ ዛዕባ ባዕዳውያንን ወይ ምዕራባውያን ሃገራትን (ኣመሪካ፡ እንግሊዝ፡ ሶቬት-ሕብረት) መልህቓን ወከልቶምን (ሕቡራት ኢማራት ዓረብ) ንምስሳይ ቀዳምነት ስለ ዝወስዱዎ እዩ። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ኣብ ከንፈርን ቅርኒብ ኣዒንትን ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ፡ ወትሩ፡ ‘ሻዕብያ ወይ ኤርትራ’ ዝብል ቃል ሰፊሩ ይርከብ። ኣብ ርእሲ’ዚ፡ ልሂቃን ፖለቲካ ኢትዮጵያ እንክደኽሙን ብዘቤታዊ ኩነታት ህዝቦም ምስ ዝብድሁን፡ ‘ባሕሪ’ ንዝብል ምኽንያት (ሕማም) ከም መስተንፈሲ ቅልውላዋቶም፡ መሳበቢ ጕርብትና፡ መተኣኻኸብን መለዓዓልን ህዝቢ ክዝምሩሉ ይፍትኑ ምዃኖም እዩ።



መንግስቲ ብልጽግና’ውን፡ ካብ ደግሲ ቅድመኡ ዝተሳዕሩ ስርዓታት ኣያታቱ ክወጽእ ፍቓደኛ ዘይምዃኑ፡ ንህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ ንኸጋግዮ ህርድግ ምባሉ እዩ። እቲ ዝገርም፡ አረ ንካልኦትሲ ዘሻቕል ዝመስል፡ ግን ከኣ፡ ካብ ሰበ-ስልጣን ኢትዮጵያ ጥራይ ብምድግጋም ዝጋውሑ፡ ብሰንኪ

እንተታት ምብልሻው ዝምድና ኤርትራ-ኢትዮጵያ፡

ኣብ ቀርኒ ኣፍሪቃ፡ ኣውራ ኣብ መንጎ ክልተአን ሃገራት፡ ዳግም መሪር ኲናት ከይውላዕ ዝብል ስክፍታ እዩ።

ምናልባት፡ እቲ ዋና ምኽንያት ድማ፡ ያኢ ኢትዮጵያ ዓቕላ ጸቢቡዋስ፡ ብሸነኽ ዓሰብ ኣፍ-ደገ ባሕሪ ንምኽፋት፡ ንኤርትራ ኣብ ኲናት ከይትጸምድ ዝብል ይመስል። ኤርትራ ካብ ገዛኢታ-ነበር ኢትዮጵያ ነባሪ ስግኣት ክቕንጠጠላ እንተኾይኑ፡ ሓንቲ ወደብ (ባጽዕ) ስለ እትኣኽላ፡ ረድያ-ጸሊኣ፡ ንዓሰብ ክትገድፈላ ይግባእ ዝብል ስዉር ስነ-ልቦናዊ ኲናት (Psychological Warfare) ምዃኑ ከኣ ኣይተርፎን እዩ።

ብዘይጥርጥር፡ እዚ ኣጕል ምጕት’ዚ፡ ወርትግ ንቐዳሞት ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ ዝለከመ እዩ። ብኣንጻሩ ከኣ፡ ንሃገራዊ መንነት ኤርትራውያን ብምዅላዕ፡ ንመኸተ ሃገራውነትን ስትራተጅያዊ ዓወትን ካብቶም ቀንዲ ረቛሒታት ምዃኑ፡ ዝተዘንግዐ ይመስል።

ብሸነኽ ኤርትራ፡ ዋላ’ኳ ብልሂቃን ኢትዮጵያ ዝብሃል ፕሮፖጋንዳዊ ዘመተን ስነ-ኣእምሮኣዊ ኲናትን ዘየዐርፍ እንተዀነ፡ ዝኾነ ‘ምልክት ሻቅሎት’ ይዅን መልስን መብርህን ክውሃብ’ውን ኣይርአን። ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ፡ ሻዕብያ፡ ካብ ባህሊ ብረታዊ ቃልሲ ኣትሒዙ ዝኽተሎን ዘማዕበሎን መስመርን መትከልን ፖለቲካ፡ ‘ዝገብር ንኣደኡ ነይነግር፡’ ዝብል ምዃኑ፡ ንዝኾነ ምስጢር ኣይኮነን። አረ፡ ብዋዕዋዕታ ደኣ እንትርፎ ዚጋደድ’ምበር፡ ዝዀነ ይዅን ዝፋዀስ ጕዳይ’ውን፡ ክህሉ ኣይክእልን እዩ። መንግስቲ ኤርትራ’ውን፡ ሆይሆይታ ፋይዳ ስለ ዘይርከቦ፡ ብሸነኽ ኢትዮጵያ ወግሐ-ጸብሐ ንዝልዓል ዛዕባ ክምልስን ከሳሰይን ክብል፡ ንፖለቲካ ኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ንምንህሃር ዝመረጸ ኣይመስልን። ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ግን፡ ካብ መራሕ ሃገር ሓሊፉ፡ ዋላ ወኪል ሰልፊ እየ ዝብል ተራን ተልሜደንን ፖለቲከኛ ኮነ ንጡፍ ካድረ፡ ሻዕብያን ኤርትራን ‘መጽረዪ ኣፉ’ ምዃና ከገርም ዘይክእል ትዕዝብቲ ኮይኑ ይርከብ።

ብሓፈሻ፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ብሓይለ-ዘረባ ተሃንካ ምውጻእ፡ ባህሊ ይመስል። ብኣንጻሩ፡ ኣብ ኤርትራ ግን፡ ብዛዕባ ክትገብሮ እትኽእልን ዘይትኽእልን ለለ ምባል፡ የሕፍርን የጽልእን ምዃኑ፡ ዋላ ንህጻን ዝጠፍኦ ኣይኮነን። ብዝኾነ፡ ኣብ ፍረ ዝርከቦ ዛዕባን ኣርእስትን ሓሳብ ምፍሳስ’ኳ ዘኽፍእ’ውን ኣይኮነን።



ንኣብነት፡ ኣብዚ ዝሓለፈ ዓመት መመላእታ

ኢትዮጵያ፡ ምስ ዝዓቢ ዘሎ ህዝባን ቍጠባኣን፡ ጂኦግራፍያዊ ኣቀማምጣኣን፡ ኣፍ-ደገ ባሕሪ በየን ክትረኽቦ ትኽእል ብዘየገድስ፡ ኣጀንዳ ህላወ ባሕሪ ንድሕሪት እትመልሶ ጕዳይ ኣይኮነን። ኢትዮጵያ፡ እስርቲ ጂኦግራፍ ኣይትኸውንን እያ፡

ዝብል ጐስጓሳት ብቅሉዕ ክካየድ ጸኒሑ ኣሎ።

መንግስቲ ኢትዮጵያ ቃሉ ንጸሓይ ካብ ዘውቅዕ ኣትሒዙ፡ ንሃገሩ ኣብ ከበባ ጐረባብቲ ብምእታው፡ ከቢድ ዋጋ የኽፍላ ኣሎ ክበሃል ይክኣል እዩ። ካብዚ ሓሊፉ’ውን፡ ናብ ገፊሕ ተነጽሎ ገጹ ዘምርሓ ዘሎ ይመስል። ኣብዚ ወርሒ’ዚ፡ ሓደ ጀነራል ኢትዮጵያ፡

ኢትዮጵያ፡ ንዛዕባ ኣገዳስነት ባሕሪ ንዓለም ብእዉጅ ምፍላጣ ጥራይ ዓቢ ዓወት እዩ፡

ብምባል፡ ንቃል ሓለቓኡ ክደግም ፈቲኑ።

ብዝኾነ መዐቀኒ፡ እዚ ሕልሚ’ዚ፡ ንፖለቲከኛታት መንግስቲ ብልጽግና ካብ

ቅልውላው ሕጋውነት (Legitimmacy Crisis)

ንምውጻእ ዝተማህዘ መድሕን እዩ።

ብኻልእ ሓረግ፡ ከምቲ መራሒ መንግስቲ ኢህወደግ-ወያነ (ኢትዮጵያ)፡ ነፍሲሄር መለስ ዜናዊ፡ ፖለቲካዊ ምሕደራ ኢትዮጵያ ልዕሊ ቊጽጽር ምምሕዳሩ ምስ ኮኖ፡ ሰበብ ዶብ ብምምሃዝ፡ ንህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ ምስ ኤርትራ ኣብ ኲናት ብምንቛት፡ ኣተኵሮኡ ንምቕያርን ንምግዛእን ዝፈተኖ እዩ። ብዓቢኡ፡ ሰበስልጣን ኢትዮጵያ፡ ሕጋውያን ዶባት ሃገራት ኣፍሪቃ ናብ ዘይነበረሉ ግዜ፡ ቅድመ-መግዛእቲ ጣልያን ብምምላስ፡

ራእሲ ኣሉላ ኣባ ነጋ’ውን፡ ንቀይሕ ባሕሪ ከም እጀታ ኢትዮጵያ ይፈልጦን ይጥቀመሉን ነይሩ፡

ዝብል መነጻጸሪ ከቕርቡ ምፍታኖም፡ ንታሪኽ ምኽሓድን ንልቦና ክልተኦም ህዝብታት ምድፋርን ጥራይ ዘይኮነ፡ ኣንጻር ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ዳርጋ ጥይት ከም ምትኳስ’ውን፡ ክቚጸር ይኽእል።

ብሓጺሩ፡ ልሂቃን ፖለቲካ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ወትሩ፡ ስለምንታይ ንኤርትራ ንሰበብን ኵናትን ክጋብዙ ይፍትኑ፡ መልሲ’ውን፡ ዝርከቦ ኣይኮነን!

ኣብዚ እዋን’ዚ፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ፡ ብሰንኪ ሰንኰፍ ኣተሓሕዛ ፖለቲካ መንግስቲ ብልጽግና፡ ብሕልፊ ክልላት ኣምሓራን ትግራይን ዳርጋ ኣብ ሕጊ ኣልቦነት ተሸሚመን ይርከባ። ኣብ ማእከል ኢትዮጵያ ይዅን ኣብ ክልተአን ክልላት ዝርከቡ ሰበ-ስልጣን ግን፡ ንኤርትራ’ውን፡ ኣካል ፖለቲካውን ወተሃደራውን፡ ‘ኣበራቶም ወይ መፍትሒ እማመታቶም’ ንምግባራ፡ ከየልዓሉዋ ኣይውዕሉን። ገለ ልሂቃንን ሰበ-ስልጣንን ኢትዮጵያ፡

ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ክሊ ኣምሓራ ንዝንቀሳቐሱ ተዋጋእቲ ሓይልታት ፋኖ ተሳስዮምን ትቕልሶምን ምዃና፡

ክሓምዩ ይፍትኑ እዮም።

ብተመሳሳሊ፡ ኣብ ክሊ ትግራይ’ውን፡ ንህወሓት (ወያነ)ን ትግራይን ኣብ ክልተ ቐጸላታት ገሚዖም ዝርከቡ ሰበ-ስልጣን፡ ገና ንኤርትራ ካብ ምውንጃል ኣይረብረቡን። ንኣብነት፡ ግዝያዊ ፕረዚደንት ክልል ትግራይ፡ ንመቐናቕንቱ ዝኾነ

ምስ ሻዕብያ ርክብ ስለ ዝጀመረ፡ ንሓይልታት ግዳም ዝኣመነ ጕጅለ’ዩ

ብምባል፡ ኣፉ መሊኡ ክኸስስ ተሰሚዑ።

ካብዚ ብዘይፍለ፡ ብወገን ጨለታት ልጓም-ኣልቦ ማሕበራውያን መራኸቢታት’ውን፡

ሻዕብያ: ንፋኖን ሓደ ጕጅለ ህወሓትን ብምትሕብባር፡ ስሉስ ኪዳን ብምምስራት፡ ንመንግስቲ ብልጽግና ካብ ስልጣን ንምብራር ኣንቂዱ ይርከብ

ክብሉ ይትንትኑ።

እምብኣር፡ ዜርካ ዜርካ፡ ካብዚ ኵሉ ዓፍራ’ዚ፡ ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ጐረሮ ፖለቲካ ኢትዮጵያ ከም ዝሰፈረት ዓጽሚ፡ ተራኣን ጽልዋኣን ክሳብ ክንደይ ወሳኒ ምዃኑ፡ ባዕላቶም ኢትዮጵያውያን ይኣምኑ ምዃኖም ትግንዘብ።

ብርግጽ፡ ልሂቃን ኢትዮጵያ፡ ንወሳኒ ፖለቲካዊ ጽልዋ ኤርትራ ኣይክሕዱን እዮም። ይዅን’ምበር፡ ብሰንኪ ዝንቡዕ ፖለቲካዊ ኣተሓሳስባኦምን ዝንቡዕ ሸውሃት ባሕርን፡ ንሰናይ ጕርብትና፡ ሃናጺ ኣበርክቶን ጽልዋን ቍመና ኤርትራ ብዝግባእ ክምዝምዙዎ ኣይፍትኑን እዮም። እቲ ዝገደደ ድኽመት ድማ: ዛጊት ንኢትዮጵያ ዝመርሑ ሰበ-ስልጣን ኢትዮጵያ፡ ብሰሪ ጽግዕተኛነት ናብ ግዳማውያን ርእሰ-ሓያላንን፡ ብወለንታኦም ይዅን ተገዲዶም፡ ኣንጻር ህዝብን መንግስትን ኤርትራ ዛጊት ዝወስዱዎም ፖለቲካዊ መርገጽን ስጕምትን፡ ብስነ-መጐት ዘይቅምሩዎ ምዃኖም እዮም። የግዲ ግን፡ ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዝነግሱ መንግስትታት፡ ይእመኑሉ ኣይእመኑሉ፡ እንተስ ክሰሩ፡ እንተስ ከይሰሩ፡ ብቐጥታ ይዅን ብተዛዋዋሪ፡ ዕጫኦም ካብ ኢድ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ዘይወጽእ ምዃኑ፡ ሕሉፍ ታሪኽ ብህየቱ ምስክር እዩ።



ብሓቂ፡ ወለዶታት ኢትዮጵያ ታሪኽ ትማሊን ሎሚን ብምውካስ፡ ክመሃሩ ይግባእ እዩ። እቲ ምንታይ፡ ትማሊ: ዕጫ ውድቀት ዘመናውያን ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ (ሃይለ-ስላሰ፡ ደርግ፡ ኢህወደግ-ወያነ) ዝወሰነን ዝፈረደን፡ ብሰንኪ ኩነታት ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ዘይምጽዓዩ (ዓመጽን ዓለቝን ኢትዮጵያ ንኤርትራ ምግዳዱ)፡ ሻዕብያን መንግስቲ ሻዕብያን እንተ ነይሩ፡ ሎሚ ኮነ ጽባሕ’ውን፡ ዘይኮነሉ ምኽንያት ኣይክስኣንን እዩ።

ስለዚ፡ ሓደ ምስትውዓል ዝሓትት ኣገዳሲ ነጥቢ ኣሎ። ንሱ ከኣ፡ ሻዕብያ፡ ዝተዘርበ እንተ ተዘርበ፡ ቃል ምስትንፋስ ብፍጹም ባህሉ ኣይኮነን። ዋላ ካብ ድምጺ መድፍዕ ንላዕሊ ዝኾኑ ቃላት እንተ ተተኰሱ’ውን፡ ብምንም-ተኣምር ስግኣት ኮነ ፍርሒ ዝሓድሮ ኣይኮነን። ሻዕብያ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ጐብየ እዩ በቲ ኻልእ ከኣ ሓርገጽ እዩ። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ሻዕብያ፡ ብጕሁይ ልቡ ደቂሱ ዝሓድር ኣይኮነን። ኣማስያኡ ከም ጐብየ ‘ብዓቕልን ብስቕታን’ ቀስ ኢሉ እናኸደ፡ ከም ሓርገጽ ተደብዩ ብምጽናሕ፡ ንደመኛታት ጸላእቱ ዝምሕር ከምዘይኮነ ታሪኽ ብተደጋጋሚ ዝመስከሮ እዩ። እምበኣር: መልሓሰኛታት ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ኢትዮጵያ፡ ንዘቤታዊ ሽግራቶምን ቅልውላወቶምን መስተንፈስን መሳበብን ንምርካብ (scapegoat ንምንዳይ)፡ ወትሩ ስም ኤርትራ ካብ ምጽዋዕ ከዕርፉን ክእደቡን ይግባእ።

ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ልኡላውነታን ዘቤታዊ ኵነታታን ርእሳ ስለ እትኽእል፡ ጸጥታኣ ኮነ ቝጠባኣ ሳቦያ ኣይትሓተሉን እያ።

ብሓቂ፡ ወለዶታት ኢትዮጵያ ታሪኽ ትማሊን ሎሚን ብምውካስ፡ ክመሃሩ ይግባእ እዩ። እቲ ምንታይ፡ ትማሊ: ዕጫ ውድቀት ዘመናውያን ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ (ሃይለ-ስላሰ፡ ደርግ፡ ኢህወደግ-ወያነ) ዝወሰነን ዝፈረደን፡ ብሰንኪ ኩነታት ፖለቲካ ኤርትራ ዘይምጽዓዩ (ዓመጽን ዓለቝን ኢትዮጵያ ንኤርትራ ምግዳዱ)፡ ሻዕብያን መንግስቲ ሻዕብያን እንተ ነይሩ፡ ሎሚ ኮነ ጽባሕ’ውን፡ ዘይኮነሉ ምኽንያት ኣይክስኣንን እዩ።

ስለዚ፡ ሓደ ምስትውዓል ዝሓትት ኣገዳሲ ነጥቢ ኣሎ። ንሱ ከኣ፡ ሻዕብያ፡ ዝተዘርበ እንተ ተዘርበ፡ ቃል ምስትንፋስ ብፍጹም ባህሉ ኣይኮነን። ዋላ ካብ ድምጺ መድፍዕ ንላዕሊ ዝኾኑ ቃላት እንተ ተተኰሱ’ውን፡ ብምንም-ተኣምር ስግኣት ኮነ ፍርሒ ዝሓድሮ ኣይኮነን። ሻዕብያ በቲ ሓደ ወገን ጐብየ እዩ በቲ ኻልእ ከኣ ሓርገጽ እዩ። ክንዲ ዝኾነ፡ ሻዕብያ፡ ብጕሁይ ልቡ ደቂሱ ዝሓድር ኣይኮነን። ኣማስያኡ ከም ጐብየ ‘ብዓቕልን ብስቕታን’ ቀስ ኢሉ እናኸደ፡ ከም ሓርገጽ ተደብዩ ብምጽናሕ፡ ንደመኛታት ጸላእቱ ዝምሕር ከምዘይኮነ ታሪኽ ብተደጋጋሚ ዝመስከሮ እዩ። እምበኣር: መልሓሰኛታት ፖለቲካዊ ኩነታት ኢትዮጵያ፡ ንዘቤታዊ ሽግራቶምን ቅልውላወቶምን መስተንፈስን መሳበብን ንምርካብ (scapegoat ንምንዳይ)፡ ወትሩ ስም ኤርትራ ካብ ምጽዋዕ ከዕርፉን ክእደቡን ይግባእ።

ኤርትራ፡ ኣብ ፖለቲካዊ ልኡላውነታን ዘቤታዊ ኵነታታን ርእሳ ስለ እትኽእል፡ ጸጥታኣ ኮነ ቝጠባኣ ሳቦያ ኣይትሓተሉን እያ።

[Fed_Up]

ይህ ጀሯችን የማይሰማው የለው መችም ቅቅቅቅቅቅ

[Fiyameta]

Hear! Hear!

Those short-sighted, immature Ethiopian politicians and trolls need to wake up. The future of Eritrea’s ports is not solely dependent on regional service. These ports have a much wider role as strategic hubs for multiple countries, not just Ethiopia.

Eritrea couldn't fully utilize the strategic potential of its ports due to years of illegal sanctions and hidden agendas designed to cripple the country. Stop with this narrow-minded thinking that Assab exists only for Ethiopia. Go back and study history—these ports served a much larger purpose long before they fell into the hands of expansionist ambitions.

And do you know why the UAE is stirring up chaos in the region, particularly targeting Eritrea’s ports? Because they understand that in the eyes of global shipping and trade, their ports will lose competitiveness to Eritrea’s due to Eritrea's superior strategic location. That’s why the UAE is using the so-called "Beshasha King" to make noise against Eritrea.

Eritrea’s ports have a natural strategic advantage, and no amount of noise can change that.

[Meleket]

ምንኛ ተሞኙ

የወሎ “ልሒቓን” ምንኛ ተሞኙ፡
የትግራይ “ልሒቓን” ምንኛ ተሞኙ፡
የጉራጌ “ሊቆች” ምንኛ ተሞኙ፡
የጦብያ “ልሒቓን” ግምኛ ተሞኙ፡
በስራ እንደ መትጋት በህልም ሲናኙ፡
የኤርትራን በዅር ዓሰብን ሲመኙ፡
የጦርነት ዜማ በተንኮል ሲቀኙ፡
ከረሓብ በስተቀር እኮ ምን ኣገኙ?

መታሰቢያነቱ “ዓሰብ ዓሰብ” እያሉ በቁም ለሚቓዡት ለመረጃዎቹ “የወሎ ልሒቕ” Abere፣ “የትግራይ ልሒቅ” Axumezana እንዲሁም ለጉራጌው “ሊቅ” Horus! ድንቄም ልሒቃን!

ተጻፈ በኤርትራውያን የመሃልና የመስመር ዳኞች፡ በኤርትራዊ ጭዋነት ኩራትና ትህትና ጭምር።

'ሕዝቡን በረሓብና siege ልጨርሰው ነው' እያለ ነው ያለው

viewtopic.php?f=2&t=356565

viewtopic.php?f=2&t=358585&p=1542004#p1542004

ምርጥ መጠሐፍ ከተባለ ዘንዳ ምርጡ ወዲህ ነው! viewtopic.php?f=2&t=357669

ንጀጋኑ ክንገጥም ባህ ኢዩ ዝብለና’ሞ ምስትምቓር ናባኹም ቢልና ኣሎና፡ ንሕና ኤርትራዉያን ደያኑ ማእከልን መስመርን ብኤርትራዊ ጭዉነት ሓበንን ፍናንን።

.....

ንሕጂ እስከ ነዚ ብርቂ ጸሓፊ ንምትብባዕ፡ ብሽሙ እንኮ’ሳዕ ሓንቲ ግጥሚ ኪንገብረሉ። ንወዲ ሰብ እንተሃብካዮ ናቱ፡ ኣቦይ እዝጊ ከምኡ ኢዩ ዚፈቱ ኢዮም ዚብሉ ለባማት።

እወ ግርማ

እወ ግርማ ግርማኣለም፡
ዝወዓለ ኣብ ጥምጥም፡
ኣብ ሳሊና ኣብ’ቲ ህጁም!

እወ ግርማ ግርማኣለም፡
ሽም ስውኣቱ ዘቕድም፡
መብጽዓኡ ዘይጠልም።

ዝኽሪ ህልዋት ብጾቱ በራቢሩ፡
መዝገብ ውዕሎታቱ ፈሓሒሩ፡
ምስጢራዊ ሰነዳት’ዉን መራሚሩ፡
ታሪኽ ሳሊና ደብቲሩ፡*
ውዕሎ ስውኣቱ ዘርዚሩ፡
“ወዲ ዕንጨይቲ” ግሩም ግብሩ፡
ወዲ ባሻይ ኣመስኪሩ፡
ነቲ ታሪኽ ጠማሚሩ፡
ሂቡና’ሎ፡ ትንዋሕ ዕምሩ!

ኤርትራዊ ዓቢ ንኡስ፡
ብሃገርካ እትግደስ፡
ስውኣትካ እትውድስ፡
መቓቐልቲ እትደቑስ፡
ታሪኽ ሓበን እስከ ተቋደስ።

እወ ግርማ ጽኑዕ ደጎል፡
እወ ግርማ ኳዕናን ደግለል፡
ከም ናይ ሳሊና ህያው ታሪኽ፡
ናይ ናቕፋ’ውን እንክት ትርኽ፡
ንኣምሰሉታት እተሕንኽ።

ናይ’ቲ ናቕፋ ናይ ሰዓቱ ኩነታቱ፡
ኤርትራና ትጽበ’ላ ንውዕሎኻ ከተዘንቱ፡
እቶም ሰብ መልሓስ ዚዉህትቱ፡
‘ቦተሊካ’ ዚዉስልቱ፡
እቲ ትዕቢቶም ኴይኑ ከንቱ፡
ናብ ሕፍረቶም ኪስክተቱ፡
ናብ በዓቶም ኪኽተቱ።

“ግርማ ሳሊና ኴንኻ ወርቂ፡
ግርማ ናቕፋ ኴንኻ ብርቂ፡
ሽም ስዉኣት ወራራቒ፡
ዝወጻእኻ ካብ’ቲ ጭንቂ፡
ምስ ገለጽኻ ነቲ ሓቂ፡
ዜዘንትዉ ታሪኽ ስርቂ፡
ውዕሎ ስውእ ዜቋስሉ ፍርቂ ፍርቂ፡
ከምዝሃረሞም ብርቱዕ በርቂ፡
ቀዘዝ ኪብሉ ክንርኢ ድንቂ፡

በቲ ማሕታ ናይ ብርዕኻ ኪዕነዱ፡
ዓቕራዉ ኴይንካ ኣይግዳዱ፡ **
ሓንቲ ቃሉ ሓንቲ ፍርዱ፡
ወትሩ ድልዊ ንሃገሩ ነታ ዓዱ፡
ብርቱዕ ድምጽኻ ኣንጎድጕዱ፡
ንመቓቐልቲ ጎማሚዱ፡
ኣዬድፈረን ነታ ዕርዱ።”

ቢልና ክንጽሕፍ እቶም ደቕኻ፡
ምስ ኣሕዋትካ ምስ ኣሓትኻ፡
ኣሎናልኻ ኣብ ጐድንኻ፡
ስክፍ እኳ ኣይበልካ።
ሓዉ ጀጋኑ፡ ወዲ ጅግና፡ ኣቦ ጀጋኑ እንደኣልካ።
......................
ግእዝ
*ደብተረ- ጸሓፈ
**ዐቈረ - ኣከበ፡ ኣዋህለለ፡ ገቲኡ ኅዝ፡ ዘጊቡ ኅዘ፡