Oromo Support for Dr. Abiy and the Question of Oromummaa in Contemporary Ethiopian Politics
By Fayyis Oromia*
Introduction
Since assuming office, Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed has experienced a dramatic erosion of political support across Ethiopia’s diverse nations and nationalities. Policies, strategic miscalculations, and unmet expectations have alienated many of his former allies. Notably, a significant portion of the Oromo population—once his strongest base—has grown increasingly disillusioned. As political pressure mounts and the prospect of systemic change intensifies, Dr. Abiy appears to be turning toward his Oromo identity as a source of political legitimacy. Whether this strategy can succeed remains uncertain.
The Challenge of Regaining Oromo Support
Rebuilding trust among the Oromo people will not be easy. Symbolic appeals to identity alone are insufficient. If Dr. Abiy is to regain meaningful Oromo support, he must take concrete and transformative steps. Among these, the most consequential would be the elevation of Afaan Oromo (Oromic) to a primary working language of the federal government. This reform would entail its full institutionalization within the Office of the Prime Minister, Parliament, the Cabinet, the Judiciary, the Military, and the Security Services—effectively ending the exclusive dominance of Amharic in federal governance.
In addition, a serious and credible effort to reclaim Assab as Ethiopia’s port could further consolidate Oromo support, particularly among those who view this issue as central to national dignity and economic sovereignty.
Is Oromo Power a Reality or a Narrative?
Public discourse remains deeply divided over whether the Oromo have genuinely held state power since 2018. Some Oromo intellectuals, including Jawar Mohammed, assert that Oromo rule has been established. Conversely, Amhara nationalist groups use this claim to characterize the current administration as an “Oromo regime,” thereby justifying their efforts to regain political dominance. Meanwhile, Oromo republicans often describe Dr. Abiy’s leadership as a continuation of neo-Naftagna rule, expressing deep mistrust toward his government.
From a critical perspective, Ethiopia today is not governed by a clearly defined Habesha elite, nor by an explicitly Oromo nationalist leadership. Rather, political power appears to be held by individuals who are Oromo by origin but culturally and ideologically aligned with Amharic language dominance and Amharanet political traditions. These “hybrid elites” neither fully advance Oromummaa nor decisively dismantle historical structures of domination.
The Erosion of a Fragile Coalition
Initially, Dr. Abiy’s administration rested on a fragile triangular alliance among Oromo, Amhara, and Tigrayan elites. Over time, this coalition disintegrated. As Amharanet-oriented forces have become increasingly assertive, hybrid elites have sought political cover by aligning rhetorically with Oromo constituencies. Whether this shift represents a genuine return to Oromo interests remains questionable.
For Oromo leadership to be considered authentic and substantive, several unresolved political demands must be addressed:
- Institutionalizing Afaan Oromo as a primary federal working language
- Placing Finfinne (Addis Ababa) under full Oromia administrative authority
- Returning Wollo to the Oromia regional state
- Granting the Agaw people their own regional state (Kilil) or reconstituting the Amhara region as Agawia
- Reconciling with the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and allowing the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) full political participation
- Releasing Oromo political prisoners, particularly OLF leaders
- Securing Oromo political authority in Finfinne without enabling the re-emergence of Abyssinian elite dominance
Absent these reforms, the persistence of Amharic linguistic hegemony and Amharanet political culture undermines claims of Oromo self-rule.
The Betrayal of Oromo Aspirations
The Qeerroo uprising that culminated in the removal of the TPLF regime raised widespread hopes of Oromo liberation. Leaders such as Lemma Megersa symbolized a potential shift toward genuine Oromummaa-based governance. However, Dr. Abiy gradually distanced himself from this trajectory, aligning instead with Amhara elites and pro-Amharanet forces. This realignment coincided with the political marginalization of Oromo nationalists, the imprisonment of OLF and OFC leaders, and the renewed criminalization of Oromo political expression.
As a result, three central Oromo aspirations have been systematically undermined:
- Political power in Finfinne: Oromo political gains have been relinquished to neo-Naftagna elites, echoing historical patterns in which Oromo leaders were instrumentalized to suppress Oromo demands.
- Linguistic equality: Rather than advancing Afaan Oromo, the administration has preserved Amharic dominance, reinforcing what many describe as an “Amarpia” rather than a genuinely multinational federation.
- Economic empowerment: Economic reforms have disproportionately benefited historically privileged classes, leaving Oromo communities largely excluded from meaningful economic transformation.
These developments suggest that Dr. Abiy’s governance does not align with Oromummaa, despite his ethnic origin.
Oromo Elites, Collaboration, and Moral Responsibility
Criticism of Oromo elites who collaborate with Abyssinian political structures is widespread. While some deserve condemnation for direct harm to Oromo interests, others may be better understood as products of historical domination and cultural assimilation. Talent and competence should be acknowledged even when political choices are challenged.
A useful analogy can be drawn from international sports, where athletes of one national origin represent another country. The critical question is not merely loyalty, but the systemic conditions that encourage Oromo talent to serve Habesha political projects while few Habesha elites commit themselves to Oromo causes. This asymmetry reflects long-standing political, cultural, and psychological subjugation often obscured under the rhetoric of “Ethiopianism.”
Conclusion: Reframing Oromo Political Consciousness
Moving forward, Oromo political actors must clearly define the political projects they serve. Cooperation with rival political camps does not automatically imply criminality, but deliberate betrayal must be confronted. Oromo history reveals three broad categories of political actors:
Those who have actively committed crimes against the Oromo cause
Those who served opposing interests due to ideological conditioning or political miseducation
Those who consciously and consistently defend Oromummaa
The task ahead is to liberate enslaved minds, expose deliberate betrayers, and empower principled defenders of Oromo rights and identity. Let historians judge the past, and let today’s activists document the present with clarity and integrity.
Galatôma.
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/03/1 ... -in-power/
Re: Oromo Support for Dr. Abiy and the Question of Oromummaa in Contemporary Ethiopian Politics
Since assuming office, Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed has experienced a dramatic erosion of political support across Ethiopia’s diverse nations and nationalities. Policies, strategic miscalculations, and unmet expectations have alienated many of his former allies. Notably, a significant portion of the Oromo population—once his strongest base—has grown increasingly disillusioned. As political pressure mounts and the prospect of systemic change intensifies, Dr. Abiy appears to be turning toward his Oromo identity as a source of political legitimacy. Whether this strategy can succeed remains uncertain.