No Anti-Oromo ATE (Amhara, Tegaru, Eritrean) Evil Force Will Be Allowed to Re-Capture Finfinne Palace!
By Fayyis Oromia*
There is no doubt that Naftegna, Shabiya, and Woyane have proven to be anti-Oromo ATE (Amhara, Tegaru, Eritrean) evil forces, respectively. No Oromo of sound mind expects anything positive from these cvnning groups. However, we must differentiate between them and the well-meaning, genuine ATE peoples. There is a clear difference between the healthy ATE public and the hegemonic ATE polity.
In particular, anti-Abiy Oromo nationalists must be cautious not to become unwitting pawns for these anti-Oromo ATE forces. Instead, we must set priorities. The ATE evil forces are the primary enemies of the Oromo, while dictatorial Biltsigina represents a secondary, smaller evil.
Reports are emerging that Oromo elites and forces—across the incumbent, rebel, and opposition camps—are holding discussions on the looming threat posed by anti-Oromo northern elites. The alliance between Fanno, Shabiya, and Woyane, and their plans to march on Finfinne, must be addressed urgently and strategically. Unity among all Oromo forces is essential to respond effectively. Oromo elites in the government, opposition, and armed struggle must end infighting, which only weakens the Oromo cause.
It is encouraging to see that the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) have agreed to work toward establishing a Transitional Government of Oromia. Ideally, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and the Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP) should also join this initiative. Past negotiations between the OLA and OPP reportedly broke down due to disagreements—primarily over forming an inclusive Oromia government. However, the OLA’s demand was both legitimate and pragmatic. Now, OPP elites must prioritize the Oromo national interest above personal political ambitions.
We stand at a crossroads—a pivotal moment that will determine the future of the Oromo people: remain divided and fail, or unite and prevail. Compromise and collaboration among all Oromo nationalist forces are essential in this period of moral, political, and economic crisis. Anti-Oromo forces are doing everything they can to undo the 75% victory we have secured in our liberation struggle. Now is the time to press forward and complete the journey to full Oromo liberation.
Negotiations must continue, and a strong, inclusive government of Oromia—composed of forces from the OFC, OLA, OLF, and OPP—must be established. Such a government could serve as the backbone for a stable federal structure under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The Prime Minister must also act boldly and decisively to address long-standing Oromo demands, including:
- Promoting Oromiffa as the primary working language of the federation.
- Placing Finfinne under the administration of Oromia.
- Reintegrating Wollo, including Rayyaa, into Oromia.
There is no benefit in continuing to appease Amhara elites, who are clearly determined to undermine Oromummaa and challenge Oromo leadership in Ethiopia.
It is uplifting to see that pro-Oromic republicans within the OFC and OLF have taken steps toward establishing a Transitional Government of Oromia. Their efforts to build a democratic federation at the Oromia level, along with a broader national alliance—including the OLF, ONLF, Agaw, Sidama, Qimant, and others—are inspiring.
Initially, it appeared that the Ethiopian Prosperity Party (EPP) would soon lose power. However, through manipulation and rigging, the EPP extended its rule in the 2021 “election,” which was far from democratic. Meanwhile, it is a positive development that Tigrayan elites have regained self-rule, rising from the ashes of unitarist dictatorship. Still, we must not repeat the mistake of 1991, when the TPLF seized power in Finfinne. Power in Finfinne rightfully belongs to the Oromo, as both the capital of Oromia and Ethiopia.
The OLF and OFC must act strategically and assertively to empower the Oromo people. Both Amhara and Tigrayan elites must be kept in check. Oromo Prosperitans must step aside for Oromo Republicans, not for opportunistic Habesha elites. To prevent such groups from seizing central power in Finfinne, unity among Oromo nationalists is essential.
The long-standing debate among Oromo nationalists—Ethiopian Democratization vs. Oromian Liberation (or Biyya-Kush Democratization vs. Biyya-Oromo Liberation)—has sowed deep divisions. In some cases, activists from each side have viewed the other as enemies, forgetting who the real adversaries are: the Abyssinian elites ruling from the Caffé Aràrà Palace in Finfinne.
But is it not possible to liberate Oromia and democratize Ethiopia at the same time?
Why can’t Oromo liberation forces—regardless of ideological orientation—form a coalition under a common goal of freedom? Perhaps under the name Tumsa Bilisummà Oromô (TBO) or Alliance for Freedom of the Oromo (AFO)? Was the ideological divide ever truly irreconcilable?
Common sense suggests that to preserve our gains, maintain momentum, and avoid regression, we must build a unified leadership in Biyya-Oromo—and even Biyya-Kush. Such a united front is essential to defeat hegemonist forces like the TPLF and block the rise of reactionary Amhara elites.
Both our enemies and some misguided allies have exploited our ideological differences to divide us. Some have accused Oromo federalists of being “Ethiopianists,” claiming they aim only to democratize Ethiopia, not liberate Oromia. But was this accusation accurate—or simply a political smear? Is it wrong for Oromo nationalists to adapt their rhetoric to different political contexts?
History provides examples: Eritrean and South Sudanese nationalists adapted their narratives strategically. Eritreans once accepted federation with Ethiopia, which failed due to the Derg regime. South Sudanese leaders spoke of autonomy within Sudan to maintain Ethiopian support, even as they pursued full independence.
So, what is wrong if Oromo nationalists also adopt flexible, context-based strategies?
The real question is: Who is an “Ethiopianist Oromo”? Are federalists who seek Oromia’s autonomy within a democratic federation truly Ethiopianist in the Habesha sense? Obviously not. Their ultimate goal is to allow the Oromo to decide their fate—through a referendum.
Many now ask: Why have Eritrea and South Sudan succeeded in gaining independence while the Oromo struggle remains divided? The answer lies not only in internal issues but in external factors. Eritrean and South Sudanese movements had broad support from Arab and Western powers, along with secure sanctuaries. In contrast, the Oromo movement has faced hostility from neighboring regimes and Western allies of the regime.
The Oromo nation—one of the largest in Africa—deserves full liberation from all forms of colonial or internal domination. Since the Berlin Conference of the 19th century, Oromo land and labor have been exploited by colonizers like Menelik II, supported by European Christian powers.
Despite this, Oromo nationalists have wasted precious energy debating “Ethiopian Democratization vs. Oromian Liberation.” This debate was weaponized by enemies to divide the Oromo. Some Oromo politicians unwittingly deepened the division by treating these goals as mutually exclusive from the beginning.
In truth, these two goals only become mutually exclusive in the second phase of the struggle—when the people vote in a referendum. Until then, they are complementary.
Within the Oromo movement, we find three main ideological strands:
- Pro-unity Oromos: Seek a democratic Ethiopia led by Oromummaa (Oromo values);
- Pro-federation Oromos: Advocate for Oromia’s autonomy within a true federation;
- Pro-independence Oromos: Call for a fully sovereign Republic of Oromia.
All three share a fundamental goal: freedom and self-determination for the Oromo, ideally culminating in a referendum. Anyone who opposes this right is siding with colonial forces. Even among the Habesha elites, there are democrats who support self-determination, distinguishing them from die-hard unionists.
Thus, the real conflict is not among Oromo factions, but between the Oromo and those who deny their right to self-determination. The three Oromo camps can—and must—unite in the first phase of the liberation struggle. In the second phase, after securing freedom, they can present their different visions:
- Pro-unity Oromos may campaign for a single democratic Ethiopia;
- Pro-federation Oromos may seek Oromia’s full autonomy;
- Pro-independence Oromos may call for a sovereign Oromian state.
Until then, they should collaborate and possibly form alliances with other nationalities and democratic forces—including Habesha democrats who respect the right to self-determination.
Our goal must be the complete liberation of the Oromo people, leading to a referendum where their destiny will be decided democratically.
A free and democratic Oromia, grounded in the Gadà system, could become a beacon of hope and democracy—laying the foundation for a future United States of Africa. Finfinne, potentially the seat of the African Union Government, must be reclaimed by the Oromo. Continued occupation by oppressive forces would not only be a tragedy for Oromia but for the entire Horn of Africa.
Let us unite. Let us liberate Oromia. Let us bring our people to the threshold of self-determination through a referendum—where our collective destiny will finally be decided by our own will.
This is the moment of truth. The forces against us are many, but our resolve is stronger. As long as we remain divided, they will continue to exploit our differences. But if we stand together, united by a shared vision of freedom and self-determination, nothing will be able to stop us.
It is time to reclaim Finfinne, time to reclaim our land, time to reclaim our heritage, and above all, time to reclaim our future. Our struggle has already taken us far, but we cannot stop now. The Ethiopian state is changing, but the Oromo question remains central to the future of the Horn of Africa.
We must refuse to be co-opted by elites—whether they are Amhara, Tigrayan, or others—who view our rights as negotiable. Oromo liberation is non-negotiable. Our land is non-negotiable. Our language, our culture, our history—they are not for sale. They belong to us, and we will protect them at all costs.
Let us not fall prey to the divisive tactics of those who want to see us fail. Let us remember who the real enemy is: those who seek to control our land, our people, and our destiny. And let us remember who we are fighting for—the future of every Oromo child, every Oromo elder, and every Oromo family who has been denied their rightful place in this world.
The unity we forge now will be the foundation for our victory. It will ensure that we build an Oromia that is just, democratic, and prosperous. An Oromia where the values of the Gadaa system are not just symbols of the past but the guiding principles for the future. A land where our people can live free from oppression, free from fear, and free from the shackles of colonial and imperial powers.
We must act with the strength of our ancestors and the courage of our youth. Together, we will defeat the forces that seek to divide us. Together, we will ensure that Oromia rises to its rightful place as a sovereign, free, and proud nation.
The struggle is not over. The fight for Oromia is not a passing moment. It is our lifeline. It is our future. It is our destiny.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2019/04/1 ... n-general/