Mereja.Forum

[Abe Abraham]

• The marginalized in the periphery are looking for solutions to prevent the division of Sudan |
  
  Darker skinned people are more likely to be discriminated against
  
  CAIRO - The social gap and army practices have always been a major cause of division within Sudan, and previously cost the country the secession of the south in 2011, which was imposed by religious and ethnic differences. Unlike the Muslim-majority country of Sudan, South Sudan follows traditional religions, along with a Christian minority.
  
  This time, the situation appears different, as the parties represented by the Rapid Support Forces moved towards Khartoum to try to prevent the army from bringing about a new secession instead of achieving political and social equality and its refusal to fulfill most of its promises during the transitional period, which exacerbated the racism and discrimination between the residents of the center and the periphery.
  
  Experts believe that one of the reasons behind the war in Sudan is the division of the Sudanese between a traditional elite that monopolized resources and power in the capital and center of the country, and marginalized segments living in its outskirts and countryside.
  
  This difference is clearly evident between the army commander, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the commander of the Rapid Support Forces, Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti), who lead both sides of the conflict. Al-Burhan was born north of Khartoum and studied military sciences and became a professional soldier, but he lacks the strength of presence, while the second belongs to a tribe in western Sudan near the border with Chad, and he emerged as the leader of the Janjaweed forces in the Darfur region.
  
  Mark Laverne, a specialist in the affairs of the Horn of Africa and the Middle East, confirms that “the Sudanese political community is concentrated in the Nile Valley.” He points out that “this war is also the result of the economic and social turmoil that Sudan is going through, which no government in Khartoum has dealt with since this discrepancy emerged between the Nile Valley and Khartoum” on the one hand, and the rest of the country on the other hand.
  
  Laverne believes that “remote areas have become the richest today in terms of resources,” referring to the gold mines in the Darfur region in western Sudan, which Dagalo controls and builds an economic and commercial empire behind.
  
  A report issued by the Rift Valley Research Institute stated that these wealth helped the RSF to transform “from a local force into a powerful and influential national entity that threatens the supremacy of the Sudanese Armed Forces.” The report, which was published on Monday, added that "the political, economic and military expansion of the Rapid Support Forces is an example of the battle between a military-political elite stationed in the center and a new military elite in Darfur."
  
  The report described what is happening at the present time as "a new stage in the conflict between the center and the periphery." Kholoud Khair, founder of the "Confluence Advisory" research center in Khartoum, says that "there are many fault lines" between the two camps, noting that "Hemeti is described as an outsider from Darfur to Khartoum."
  
  Khair believes that the RSF “worked before the conflict to convey a message stating that its members are fighting for democracy on behalf of all marginalized people in Sudan.” She pointed out that Daglo "was considered one of the best employers in the country before the outbreak of the conflict... He has a lot of money, and whoever joins the Rapid Support Forces gets many advantages." In another context, some believe that the inequality between the center and the periphery of the country is also linked to color.
  
  
  
  ◙ Mark Laverne: The war is a result of the economic and social turmoil that Sudan is going through, which no government in Khartoum has dealt with
  
  British researcher Alex de Waal wrote in the London Review of Books, "Until now, the Sudanese have a lexicon of skin color that ranges from red and brown to green and yellow, to blue." He continued, “The people of the south, who have dark skin, are still called slaves.” Sudan is dominated by a light-skinned Arabic-speaking elite, while black Africans in the south and west of the country face discrimination and marginalization.
  
  Racism has been practiced extensively in Sudan, historically, and even since independence. Most of the senior positions are occupied by Arabs and Nubians in the north, and they also occupy almost all military positions, and this enabled them to use their influence to dominate the business sector and fuel feelings of rejection and discrimination among the residents of the south.
  
  This is one of the reasons that impedes the renaissance and stability of Sudan, and has caused civil and tribal conflicts since the independence of Sudan in 1956 until today, as the people of Sudan in the east, west, north and south consider that the people of the center in Khartoum and the center dominate power and wealth, and deprive their regions of it and basic services. By continuing this practice, they are leading Sudan towards a new division.
  
  However, according to experts, this criterion does not seem to have much relevance in the current conflict, and the importance of tribal and ethnic loyalty will emerge if the war is prolonged. Kholoud Khair expects that "both sides will have to recruit new forces to compensate for their loss... Historically, ethnic loyalty is the best method of recruitment in Sudan."
  

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[Mesob]

This is very well researched article on the current conflict in Sudan. The Arab slaves or Abids of Omdurman and Khartoum and their supporters had been denying this historical fact, until their own houses started burning.
Issaias Afeworki has avoided such servitude and Arab inferiorty complex and endless potential civil war in Eritrea by kicking the Arab enslaved ignorant and clueless "elite" leaders in ELF Jebha out of Eritrea.

This time, the situation appears different, as the parties represented by the Rapid Support Forces moved towards Khartoum to try to prevent the army from bringing about a new secession instead of achieving political and social equality and its refusal to fulfill most of its promises during the transitional period, which exacerbated the racism and discrimination between the residents of the center and the periphery.

Experts believe that one of the reasons behind the war in Sudan is the division of the Sudanese between a traditional elite that monopolized resources and power in the capital and center of the country, and marginalized segments living in its outskirts and countryside.
.... "Until now, the Sudanese have a lexicon of skin color that ranges from red and brown to green and yellow, to blue." He continued, “The people of the south, who have dark skin, are still called slaves.” Sudan is dominated by a light-skinned Arabic-speaking elite, while black Africans in the south and west of the country face discrimination and marginalization.

Racism has been practiced extensively in Sudan, historically, and even since independence. Most of the senior positions are occupied by Arabs and Nubians in the north, and they also occupy almost all military positions, and this enabled them to use their influence to dominate the business sector and fuel feelings of rejection and discrimination among the residents of the south.

• The marginalized in the periphery are looking for solutions to prevent the division of Sudan |
  
  Darker skinned people are more likely to be discriminated against
  
  CAIRO - The social gap and army practices have always been a major cause of division within Sudan, and previously cost the country the secession of the south in 2011, which was imposed by religious and ethnic differences. Unlike the Muslim-majority country of Sudan, South Sudan follows traditional religions, along with a Christian minority.
  
  This time, the situation appears different, as the parties represented by the Rapid Support Forces moved towards Khartoum to try to prevent the army from bringing about a new secession instead of achieving political and social equality and its refusal to fulfill most of its promises during the transitional period, which exacerbated the racism and discrimination between the residents of the center and the periphery.
  
  Experts believe that one of the reasons behind the war in Sudan is the division of the Sudanese between a traditional elite that monopolized resources and power in the capital and center of the country, and marginalized segments living in its outskirts and countryside.
  
  This difference is clearly evident between the army commander, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the commander of the Rapid Support Forces, Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti), who lead both sides of the conflict. Al-Burhan was born north of Khartoum and studied military sciences and became a professional soldier, but he lacks the strength of presence, while the second belongs to a tribe in western Sudan near the border with Chad, and he emerged as the leader of the Janjaweed forces in the Darfur region.
  
  Mark Laverne, a specialist in the affairs of the Horn of Africa and the Middle East, confirms that “the Sudanese political community is concentrated in the Nile Valley.” He points out that “this war is also the result of the economic and social turmoil that Sudan is going through, which no government in Khartoum has dealt with since this discrepancy emerged between the Nile Valley and Khartoum” on the one hand, and the rest of the country on the other hand.
  
  Laverne believes that “remote areas have become the richest today in terms of resources,” referring to the gold mines in the Darfur region in western Sudan, which Dagalo controls and builds an economic and commercial empire behind.
  
  A report issued by the Rift Valley Research Institute stated that these wealth helped the RSF to transform “from a local force into a powerful and influential national entity that threatens the supremacy of the Sudanese Armed Forces.” The report, which was published on Monday, added that "the political, economic and military expansion of the Rapid Support Forces is an example of the battle between a military-political elite stationed in the center and a new military elite in Darfur."
  
  The report described what is happening at the present time as "a new stage in the conflict between the center and the periphery." Kholoud Khair, founder of the "Confluence Advisory" research center in Khartoum, says that "there are many fault lines" between the two camps, noting that "Hemeti is described as an outsider from Darfur to Khartoum."
  
  Khair believes that the RSF “worked before the conflict to convey a message stating that its members are fighting for democracy on behalf of all marginalized people in Sudan.” She pointed out that Daglo "was considered one of the best employers in the country before the outbreak of the conflict... He has a lot of money, and whoever joins the Rapid Support Forces gets many advantages." In another context, some believe that the inequality between the center and the periphery of the country is also linked to color.
  
  ◙ Mark Laverne: The war is a result of the economic and social turmoil that Sudan is going through, which no government in Khartoum has dealt with
  
  British researcher Alex de Waal wrote in the London Review of Books, "Until now, the Sudanese have a lexicon of skin color that ranges from red and brown to green and yellow, to blue." He continued, “The people of the south, who have dark skin, are still called slaves.” Sudan is dominated by a light-skinned Arabic-speaking elite, while black Africans in the south and west of the country face discrimination and marginalization.
  
  Racism has been practiced extensively in Sudan, historically, and even since independence. Most of the senior positions are occupied by Arabs and Nubians in the north, and they also occupy almost all military positions, and this enabled them to use their influence to dominate the business sector and fuel feelings of rejection and discrimination among the residents of the south.
  
  This is one of the reasons that impedes the renaissance and stability of Sudan, and has caused civil and tribal conflicts since the independence of Sudan in 1956 until today, as the people of Sudan in the east, west, north and south consider that the people of the center in Khartoum and the center dominate power and wealth, and deprive their regions of it and basic services. By continuing this practice, they are leading Sudan towards a new division.
  
  However, according to experts, this criterion does not seem to have much relevance in the current conflict, and the importance of tribal and ethnic loyalty will emerge if the war is prolonged. Kholoud Khair expects that "both sides will have to recruit new forces to compensate for their loss... Historically, ethnic loyalty is the best method of recruitment in Sudan."
  

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