Are you nuts? Why on earth would America "destabilize" Ethiopia? Who's gonna feed and house all those refugees fleeing a nation 115 million poppers?
Horus wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 20:37Aba,
You are one dimensional mind old school. In your mind, instability instantly triggers the vision of millions in famine and food-seeking migration. That is the extent of your political and strategic sight. No, dude!
There is a destabilization that dislocates, displaces and moves people. Then, there is destabilization that would feed you with expired wheat, divide you, weaken you, disempower you and rule you! control you! enslave you! The American slave was not forced to migrate but fed and closed to serve his master.
But, Ethiopia is a wrong place to try those tired colonial ways! TPLF is dead !! Does America know that?
Horus wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 21:25American war elites are upset because their brain child Woyane fascism is dismantled. As for famine in Tigray, you should have known your state of affairs before you chose to bite the hands that fed you. That is your problem; you made the soup, you eat it. No power on earth can harm Ethiopia and hope to be around alive. Remember, our history and history repeats itself. TPLF should have known that when it attacked Ethiopia!! From here on TPLF has no right to exist in Ethiopia. Ditto.
https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/ ... ion-185149May 16, 2021
The war in Ethiopia’s Tigray Province is now more than six months old. Jeffrey Feltman, the Biden administration’s special envoy, has just completed his first trip to the region but, for Ethiopian unity, it may be too late. Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has sent his country beyond the point of no return.
Abiy’s stated reason for his assault on Tigray was the rebuff of that province’s leaders to his efforts to delay elections. His supporters justify his move to repress Tigray and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in two ways. Some argue that the TPLF deserves the central government’s offensive and even the atrocities it suffers because of the TPLF’s past poor human rights abuses as well as its participation in the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition from which Abiy’s two immediate predecessors emerged. Others argue that Ethiopia’s ethno-federalism is unfair to provincial minorities and Abiy is right to repress it. Both arguments are problematic: TPLF’s past does not justify massacres, looting, and rape against civilians targeted solely because of ethnicity or political opposition. If Abiy had legal justification against any particular TPLF leader, the courts would have been the proper recourse.
Critics of Ethiopian federalism have valid arguments about problems inherent in the system but the remedy for this is revision of the constitution through the legislative process, not the whims of one man acting through brute force.
Abiy promised a quick victory, but his gambit failed. While Ethiopian troops control the cities, videos show Tigray Defense Forces openly defiant and operating with impunity in the countryside. The problem, however, is not just the embrace of military force; rather, it was his choice of targets.
Tigrayans, like much of the rest of Ethiopia, are overwhelmingly young. Most Tigrayans under thirty care little about Ethiopia as a whole and imagine a better life for themselves as their own independent state. It was the senior TPLF leaders who had fought for, served Ethiopia, maintained links across regions, and remained open to unity. This was the caste whom Abiy has sought to kill. In the most famous episode, the Ethiopian Army killed Seyoum Mesfin who had served two decades as Ethiopia’s foreign minister. In effect, in a fit of pique, the mercurial Abiy has disproportionately targeted the only figures with whom he could negotiate to preserve Ethiopian unity.
Nor has Abiy done himself any favors with fellow African leaders. There is a way presidents and prime ministers speak to the public, and there is a way in which they talk among themselves. Abiy fails at the latter. He lacks candor and appears untethered from the reality that he has created. Many of his counterparts describe him as a naïf with a messiah complex. While African leaders will not publicly abandon one of their own, the shedding of African Union offices from Ethiopia to other capitals reflects Abiy’s declining diplomatic capital. Simply put, beyond Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki, who sees himself as Abiy’s superior, and Mohamed Farmaajo, Somalia’s president whose term expired three months ago, Abiy has no friends.
Regional states fear Ethiopia’s dissolution—it would be a nightmare scenario of dislocation and instability—but many diplomats, including those traditionally friendly to Ethiopia, quietly question whether it is already too late. Abiy’s supporters may have justified his action in antipathy to federalism but by choosing unilateralism over negotiation, Abiy may have cemented his legacy not as a Nobel Peace Laureate, but rather as the man who ended a country whose history dates back millennia. It is time for the United States, United Nations, and Ethiopia’s neighbors to plan for its end as a unified entity.
Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Iran, Turkey, and the broader Middle East. He also regularly teaches classes at sea about Middle East conflicts, culture, terrorism, and the Horn of Africa to deployed U.S. Navy and Marine units
Aba wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:05Stop believing your own propaganda like the stooges do. Learn from independent thinkers and different opinions.
In other words, snap out of the rut the Issu stooges spent years in blaming US, EU, etc. etc. You will have permanent disabilities.
https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/ ... ion-185149May 16, 2021
The war in Ethiopia’s Tigray Province is now more than six months old. Jeffrey Feltman, the Biden administration’s special envoy, has just completed his first trip to the region but, for Ethiopian unity, it may be too late. Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has sent his country beyond the point of no return.
Abiy’s stated reason for his assault on Tigray was the rebuff of that province’s leaders to his efforts to delay elections. His supporters justify his move to repress Tigray and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in two ways. Some argue that the TPLF deserves the central government’s offensive and even the atrocities it suffers because of the TPLF’s past poor human rights abuses as well as its participation in the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition from which Abiy’s two immediate predecessors emerged. Others argue that Ethiopia’s ethno-federalism is unfair to provincial minorities and Abiy is right to repress it. Both arguments are problematic: TPLF’s past does not justify massacres, looting, and rape against civilians targeted solely because of ethnicity or political opposition. If Abiy had legal justification against any particular TPLF leader, the courts would have been the proper recourse.
Critics of Ethiopian federalism have valid arguments about problems inherent in the system but the remedy for this is revision of the constitution through the legislative process, not the whims of one man acting through brute force.
Abiy promised a quick victory, but his gambit failed. While Ethiopian troops control the cities, videos show Tigray Defense Forces openly defiant and operating with impunity in the countryside. The problem, however, is not just the embrace of military force; rather, it was his choice of targets.
Tigrayans, like much of the rest of Ethiopia, are overwhelmingly young. Most Tigrayans under thirty care little about Ethiopia as a whole and imagine a better life for themselves as their own independent state. It was the senior TPLF leaders who had fought for, served Ethiopia, maintained links across regions, and remained open to unity. This was the caste whom Abiy has sought to kill. In the most famous episode, the Ethiopian Army killed Seyoum Mesfin who had served two decades as Ethiopia’s foreign minister. In effect, in a fit of pique, the mercurial Abiy has disproportionately targeted the only figures with whom he could negotiate to preserve Ethiopian unity.
Nor has Abiy done himself any favors with fellow African leaders. There is a way presidents and prime ministers speak to the public, and there is a way in which they talk among themselves. Abiy fails at the latter. He lacks candor and appears untethered from the reality that he has created. Many of his counterparts describe him as a naïf with a messiah complex. While African leaders will not publicly abandon one of their own, the shedding of African Union offices from Ethiopia to other capitals reflects Abiy’s declining diplomatic capital. Simply put, beyond Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki, who sees himself as Abiy’s superior, and Mohamed Farmaajo, Somalia’s president whose term expired three months ago, Abiy has no friends.
Regional states fear Ethiopia’s dissolution—it would be a nightmare scenario of dislocation and instability—but many diplomats, including those traditionally friendly to Ethiopia, quietly question whether it is already too late. Abiy’s supporters may have justified his action in antipathy to federalism but by choosing unilateralism over negotiation, Abiy may have cemented his legacy not as a Nobel Peace Laureate, but rather as the man who ended a country whose history dates back millennia. It is time for the United States, United Nations, and Ethiopia’s neighbors to plan for its end as a unified entity.
Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Iran, Turkey, and the broader Middle East. He also regularly teaches classes at sea about Middle East conflicts, culture, terrorism, and the Horn of Africa to deployed U.S. Navy and Marine units
euroland wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:18AbaQ
Is your beloved TPLF heading North after neutralizing the Northern Command?
Nay Agame empty bravado evaporated like morning mist.
Poor Asswash, your Chigar Kilil is now back at mercy of Uncle Bob Geldoff LOL
Aba wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:05Stop believing your own propaganda like the stooges do. Learn from independent thinkers and different opinions.
In other words, snap out of the rut the Issu stooges spent years in blaming US, EU, etc. etc. You will have permanent disabilities.
https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/ ... ion-185149May 16, 2021
The war in Ethiopia’s Tigray Province is now more than six months old. Jeffrey Feltman, the Biden administration’s special envoy, has just completed his first trip to the region but, for Ethiopian unity, it may be too late. Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has sent his country beyond the point of no return.
Abiy’s stated reason for his assault on Tigray was the rebuff of that province’s leaders to his efforts to delay elections. His supporters justify his move to repress Tigray and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in two ways. Some argue that the TPLF deserves the central government’s offensive and even the atrocities it suffers because of the TPLF’s past poor human rights abuses as well as its participation in the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition from which Abiy’s two immediate predecessors emerged. Others argue that Ethiopia’s ethno-federalism is unfair to provincial minorities and Abiy is right to repress it. Both arguments are problematic: TPLF’s past does not justify massacres, looting, and rape against civilians targeted solely because of ethnicity or political opposition. If Abiy had legal justification against any particular TPLF leader, the courts would have been the proper recourse.
Critics of Ethiopian federalism have valid arguments about problems inherent in the system but the remedy for this is revision of the constitution through the legislative process, not the whims of one man acting through brute force.
Abiy promised a quick victory, but his gambit failed. While Ethiopian troops control the cities, videos show Tigray Defense Forces openly defiant and operating with impunity in the countryside. The problem, however, is not just the embrace of military force; rather, it was his choice of targets.
Tigrayans, like much of the rest of Ethiopia, are overwhelmingly young. Most Tigrayans under thirty care little about Ethiopia as a whole and imagine a better life for themselves as their own independent state. It was the senior TPLF leaders who had fought for, served Ethiopia, maintained links across regions, and remained open to unity. This was the caste whom Abiy has sought to kill. In the most famous episode, the Ethiopian Army killed Seyoum Mesfin who had served two decades as Ethiopia’s foreign minister. In effect, in a fit of pique, the mercurial Abiy has disproportionately targeted the only figures with whom he could negotiate to preserve Ethiopian unity.
Nor has Abiy done himself any favors with fellow African leaders. There is a way presidents and prime ministers speak to the public, and there is a way in which they talk among themselves. Abiy fails at the latter. He lacks candor and appears untethered from the reality that he has created. Many of his counterparts describe him as a naïf with a messiah complex. While African leaders will not publicly abandon one of their own, the shedding of African Union offices from Ethiopia to other capitals reflects Abiy’s declining diplomatic capital. Simply put, beyond Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki, who sees himself as Abiy’s superior, and Mohamed Farmaajo, Somalia’s president whose term expired three months ago, Abiy has no friends.
Regional states fear Ethiopia’s dissolution—it would be a nightmare scenario of dislocation and instability—but many diplomats, including those traditionally friendly to Ethiopia, quietly question whether it is already too late. Abiy’s supporters may have justified his action in antipathy to federalism but by choosing unilateralism over negotiation, Abiy may have cemented his legacy not as a Nobel Peace Laureate, but rather as the man who ended a country whose history dates back millennia. It is time for the United States, United Nations, and Ethiopia’s neighbors to plan for its end as a unified entity.
Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Iran, Turkey, and the broader Middle East. He also regularly teaches classes at sea about Middle East conflicts, culture, terrorism, and the Horn of Africa to deployed U.S. Navy and Marine units
Aba wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:26Wurroland,
I think you should focus on and celebrate the "independence atmosphere"
euroland wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:18AbaQ
Is your beloved TPLF heading North after neutralizing the Northern Command?
Nay Agame empty bravado evaporated like morning mist.
Poor Asswash, your Chigar Kilil is now back at mercy of Uncle Bob Geldoff LOL
Aba wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:05Stop believing your own propaganda like the stooges do. Learn from independent thinkers and different opinions.
In other words, snap out of the rut the Issu stooges spent years in blaming US, EU, etc. etc. You will have permanent disabilities.
https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/ ... ion-185149May 16, 2021
The war in Ethiopia’s Tigray Province is now more than six months old. Jeffrey Feltman, the Biden administration’s special envoy, has just completed his first trip to the region but, for Ethiopian unity, it may be too late. Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has sent his country beyond the point of no return.
Abiy’s stated reason for his assault on Tigray was the rebuff of that province’s leaders to his efforts to delay elections. His supporters justify his move to repress Tigray and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in two ways. Some argue that the TPLF deserves the central government’s offensive and even the atrocities it suffers because of the TPLF’s past poor human rights abuses as well as its participation in the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition from which Abiy’s two immediate predecessors emerged. Others argue that Ethiopia’s ethno-federalism is unfair to provincial minorities and Abiy is right to repress it. Both arguments are problematic: TPLF’s past does not justify massacres, looting, and rape against civilians targeted solely because of ethnicity or political opposition. If Abiy had legal justification against any particular TPLF leader, the courts would have been the proper recourse.
Critics of Ethiopian federalism have valid arguments about problems inherent in the system but the remedy for this is revision of the constitution through the legislative process, not the whims of one man acting through brute force.
Abiy promised a quick victory, but his gambit failed. While Ethiopian troops control the cities, videos show Tigray Defense Forces openly defiant and operating with impunity in the countryside. The problem, however, is not just the embrace of military force; rather, it was his choice of targets.
Tigrayans, like much of the rest of Ethiopia, are overwhelmingly young. Most Tigrayans under thirty care little about Ethiopia as a whole and imagine a better life for themselves as their own independent state. It was the senior TPLF leaders who had fought for, served Ethiopia, maintained links across regions, and remained open to unity. This was the caste whom Abiy has sought to kill. In the most famous episode, the Ethiopian Army killed Seyoum Mesfin who had served two decades as Ethiopia’s foreign minister. In effect, in a fit of pique, the mercurial Abiy has disproportionately targeted the only figures with whom he could negotiate to preserve Ethiopian unity.
Nor has Abiy done himself any favors with fellow African leaders. There is a way presidents and prime ministers speak to the public, and there is a way in which they talk among themselves. Abiy fails at the latter. He lacks candor and appears untethered from the reality that he has created. Many of his counterparts describe him as a naïf with a messiah complex. While African leaders will not publicly abandon one of their own, the shedding of African Union offices from Ethiopia to other capitals reflects Abiy’s declining diplomatic capital. Simply put, beyond Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki, who sees himself as Abiy’s superior, and Mohamed Farmaajo, Somalia’s president whose term expired three months ago, Abiy has no friends.
Regional states fear Ethiopia’s dissolution—it would be a nightmare scenario of dislocation and instability—but many diplomats, including those traditionally friendly to Ethiopia, quietly question whether it is already too late. Abiy’s supporters may have justified his action in antipathy to federalism but by choosing unilateralism over negotiation, Abiy may have cemented his legacy not as a Nobel Peace Laureate, but rather as the man who ended a country whose history dates back millennia. It is time for the United States, United Nations, and Ethiopia’s neighbors to plan for its end as a unified entity.
Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Iran, Turkey, and the broader Middle East. He also regularly teaches classes at sea about Middle East conflicts, culture, terrorism, and the Horn of Africa to deployed U.S. Navy and Marine units
euroland wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:33AbaQ coward junta
Yes, we will be celebrating our 30th Independence Day in high spirits this year, after completely decimated your junta
We drank your blood, cut your little di..ck, undressed your pants...what else we didn’t do to you?
Aba wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:26Wurroland,
I think you should focus on and celebrate the "independence atmosphere"
euroland wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:18AbaQ
Is your beloved TPLF heading North after neutralizing the Northern Command?
Nay Agame empty bravado evaporated like morning mist.
Poor Asswash, your Chigar Kilil is now back at mercy of Uncle Bob Geldoff LOL
Aba wrote: ↑17 May 2021, 22:05Stop believing your own propaganda like the stooges do. Learn from independent thinkers and different opinions.
In other words, snap out of the rut the Issu stooges spent years in blaming US, EU, etc. etc. You will have permanent disabilities.
https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/ ... ion-185149May 16, 2021
The war in Ethiopia’s Tigray Province is now more than six months old. Jeffrey Feltman, the Biden administration’s special envoy, has just completed his first trip to the region but, for Ethiopian unity, it may be too late. Abiy Ahmed, Ethiopia’s prime minister and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has sent his country beyond the point of no return.
Abiy’s stated reason for his assault on Tigray was the rebuff of that province’s leaders to his efforts to delay elections. His supporters justify his move to repress Tigray and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) in two ways. Some argue that the TPLF deserves the central government’s offensive and even the atrocities it suffers because of the TPLF’s past poor human rights abuses as well as its participation in the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, a coalition from which Abiy’s two immediate predecessors emerged. Others argue that Ethiopia’s ethno-federalism is unfair to provincial minorities and Abiy is right to repress it. Both arguments are problematic: TPLF’s past does not justify massacres, looting, and rape against civilians targeted solely because of ethnicity or political opposition. If Abiy had legal justification against any particular TPLF leader, the courts would have been the proper recourse.
Critics of Ethiopian federalism have valid arguments about problems inherent in the system but the remedy for this is revision of the constitution through the legislative process, not the whims of one man acting through brute force.
Abiy promised a quick victory, but his gambit failed. While Ethiopian troops control the cities, videos show Tigray Defense Forces openly defiant and operating with impunity in the countryside. The problem, however, is not just the embrace of military force; rather, it was his choice of targets.
Tigrayans, like much of the rest of Ethiopia, are overwhelmingly young. Most Tigrayans under thirty care little about Ethiopia as a whole and imagine a better life for themselves as their own independent state. It was the senior TPLF leaders who had fought for, served Ethiopia, maintained links across regions, and remained open to unity. This was the caste whom Abiy has sought to kill. In the most famous episode, the Ethiopian Army killed Seyoum Mesfin who had served two decades as Ethiopia’s foreign minister. In effect, in a fit of pique, the mercurial Abiy has disproportionately targeted the only figures with whom he could negotiate to preserve Ethiopian unity.
Nor has Abiy done himself any favors with fellow African leaders. There is a way presidents and prime ministers speak to the public, and there is a way in which they talk among themselves. Abiy fails at the latter. He lacks candor and appears untethered from the reality that he has created. Many of his counterparts describe him as a naïf with a messiah complex. While African leaders will not publicly abandon one of their own, the shedding of African Union offices from Ethiopia to other capitals reflects Abiy’s declining diplomatic capital. Simply put, beyond Eritrean dictator Isaias Afwerki, who sees himself as Abiy’s superior, and Mohamed Farmaajo, Somalia’s president whose term expired three months ago, Abiy has no friends.
Regional states fear Ethiopia’s dissolution—it would be a nightmare scenario of dislocation and instability—but many diplomats, including those traditionally friendly to Ethiopia, quietly question whether it is already too late. Abiy’s supporters may have justified his action in antipathy to federalism but by choosing unilateralism over negotiation, Abiy may have cemented his legacy not as a Nobel Peace Laureate, but rather as the man who ended a country whose history dates back millennia. It is time for the United States, United Nations, and Ethiopia’s neighbors to plan for its end as a unified entity.
Michael Rubin is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, where he specializes in Iran, Turkey, and the broader Middle East. He also regularly teaches classes at sea about Middle East conflicts, culture, terrorism, and the Horn of Africa to deployed U.S. Navy and Marine units