Was Eritrea Part of Oropia, and Should It Reintegrate?
Posted: 05 Aug 2026, 07:33
Was Eritrea Part of Oropia, and Should It Reintegrate?
By Fayyis Oropia
According to an interview with Dr. Abiy Ahmed on OBN, the Oromo once ruled Bahire Negash. In addition, some modern historians and linguists argue that Dori (or Doorii) and Bulla (his son and successor), who ruled Bahire Negash in the sixteenth century, bore traditional Oromo names. Based on this interpretation, some Oromo proponents support the idea of reintegrating Eritrea into a future Orompia (an Oromic-led ethnic federation) or Oropia (an Oromic-led geographic federation).
For this reason, the following appeal has been made to the Prime Minister:
Dear Dr. Abiy, the Abay Dam stands as a testament to the legacy of Prime Minister Meles Z. Gobena. Now, the moment has arrived for you to forge your own historical legacy—one that surpasses that of your predecessors—by reclaiming the port of Assab in particular, or Eritrea as a whole. More specifically, this port must return to Oropia, a modern Ethiopia guided by the ideals of Oromummà.
It appears that you are beginning to align yourself more closely with the Oromo cause, but much remains to be done. Two major battles lie ahead: the ongoing struggle against the armed group Fano and the anticipated confrontation with the Eritrean regime, or Shabiya, to secure Assab as a vital port for Oropia.
Today, Ethiopia’s political landscape has crystallized into a clear dichotomy between the forces of the Amhara elite and the Oromo elite, with other national groups aligning themselves with one of these two blocs. Meles Zenawi successfully neutralized the Naftagna forces when they challenged his leadership. Why, Dr. Abiy, have you not done the same?
There are two possible reasons:
- You initially sought to keep the Naftagna forces within your fold, using them as a counterbalance against genuine Oromo nationalists who might pose a real challenge to your power.
- Unlike Tigrayans—who are ethnically Semitic and therefore considered more acceptable to the Amhara elite—Oromos are still viewed by some as inferior and incapable of leading. Consequently, your administration has been portrayed as ineffective, largely because of its Oromo leadership.
In many ways, you have trusted the scorpion, believing it would not sting. Yet the nature of the scorpion remains unchanged.
Had you truly embraced an unwavering commitment to Oromo nationalism, dismantling the Naftagna camp would have been far easier than Meles’s own efforts. This, however, requires more than tactical maneuvering—it requires a full and genuine return to the Oromo cause.
Once you neutralize the Fano threat, securing Assab will be paramount to ensuring Oropia’s access to the sea. This act will define your legacy and distinguish it from that of Meles Zenawi.
Oromo Rule—Or Merely an Oromo Mask?
Jawar Mohammed once described the conflict between the OLA and Biltsigina as “a quarrel within the Oromo family.” Yet, Dr. Abiy, does your administration truly represent Oromo governance? Many within the Oromo community would disagree.
The Derg was characterized by direct Amhara rule, modeled after French colonialism. Woyane, on the other hand, represented indirect Tigrayan rule, akin to British colonialism. Biltsigina—your government—is, in this view, the most deceptive form of all: it presents itself as an Oromo administration while, in reality, continuing to serve the entrenched interests of Amharanet.
The Oromo people have achieved 25% liberation by overthrowing the monarchy, 50% by dismantling the Derg, and 75% by toppling Woyane. According to this perspective, true liberation—100% freedom—can only be achieved by replacing Biltsigina with genuine Oromo rule.
Yet Biltsigina is portrayed as an illusion, deceiving even those who genuinely identify with Oromo nationalism into believing that this government represents their interests. While many of its leaders may bear Oromo names, their ideologies, values, and political objectives are, according to this argument, far removed from the core principles of Oromummà.
The Role of First Ladies in History’s Betrayal
An often-overlooked aspect of Ethiopian political history, according to the author, is the influence of the wives of post-monarchical rulers. Each of Ethiopia’s three leaders—Mengistu, Meles, and yourself—married women from Amhara backgrounds, and these women are presented as having played a significant role in shaping their husbands’ political trajectories.
Mengistu, despite his Oromo heritage, is described as having been influenced by his Gojjame wife. Meles, portrayed here as biologically Oromo but politically Tigrayan and psychologically Amhara, is described as having been influenced by his Wolqayit-Amhara wife. Similarly, your leadership, Dr. Abiy, is presented as following the same pattern, with your Gondar-Amhara wife influencing your decisions.
According to this argument, the result in all three cases has been the same: the betrayal of the Oromo cause and the reinforcement of Amharanet dominance.
A 150-Year Struggle for Oromo Liberation
The Oromo people have fought for liberation for more than 150 years, overthrowing monarchs, feudalists, and fascists. Yet, according to this perspective, they are still not fully free. The primary obstacle to complete freedom is presented as the internal sabotage of Oromo elites who remain mentally colonized.
Your government is described as the most subtle and dangerous form of oppression. It presents itself as a government of the Oromo while actively working against the principles of Oromummà. According to the author, it has divided the Oromo movement into pro-Abiy and anti-Abiy factions, thereby weakening its collective strength.
In many respects, your administration is portrayed as resembling a neo-Naftagna state—an Oromo mask concealing the same structural dynamics associated with Mengistu’s Derg.
The ongoing protests in Washington, D.C., are presented as reflecting this divide: on one side are the forces of Amharanet/Naftagnanet, now operating through the EPP; on the other are the forces of Oromummà/Netsanet, who oppose them.
Unity as a Weapon of Liberation
According to the author, genuine Oromo liberation can be achieved only through unity—the very unity that Abyssinian rulers have long feared and sought to undermine.
Historically, Oromia was united under the Gadà system, but divisions emerged when some Oromo factions embraced monarchy and aligned themselves with Abyssinian rulers. These divisions, further deepened by Abyssinian colonialism, continue to affect Oromo society today: Wellega versus Arsi, Shoa versus Wellega, and Hararge versus Arsi. The EPP is portrayed as continuing to exploit these divisions.
Even the OLF has experienced fragmentation—not because of ideological differences, but because of a lack of strategic unity. Tactical disagreements, the author argues, should never outweigh the shared vision of freedom.
Nevertheless, there are signs of hope. Efforts such as the Maccà-Tulama Association, the recent reconciliation among OLF factions, and the alliance formed under the OFC demonstrate that the desire for unity is growing. The author calls for building upon these efforts to create one strong OLF—unified in vision, leadership, and commitment to liberation.
Allies, Comrades, and Saboteurs
Within the ruling party (OPP), we must distinguish among three groups:
- Comrades — Oromo individuals who work within the system for the Oromo cause.
- Slaves — Those who, because of mental colonization, unknowingly serve the interests of the enemy.
- Criminals — Those who actively sabotage the Oromo struggle.
We must also remain open to collaborating with other oppressed nationalities, as well as with democratic Amhara or Tigrayan forces that support self-determination and equality. Working toward a voluntary union is not the same as being coerced into an oppressive one.
Final Words to Dr. Abiy
You now face a critical decision: continue down the path of Amharanized politics or return to the Oromo cause with full commitment.
This is your historic moment. Just as Meles left a legacy through the Abay Dam, you have the opportunity to create your own legacy by reclaiming Assab. However, this can only be achieved with the full support of a united Oromo force.
History is watching, and the Oromo people are watching. Will you choose Oromummà over Naftagnanet? Sovereignty over submission? A legacy of betrayal or one of genuine liberation?
May Wàqa grant us the wisdom and strength to reclaim our freedom through unity.
May He bless the Oromo people and guide us toward sovereignty—whether within a union or as an independent nation.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/03/0 ... few-years/
By Fayyis Oropia
According to an interview with Dr. Abiy Ahmed on OBN, the Oromo once ruled Bahire Negash. In addition, some modern historians and linguists argue that Dori (or Doorii) and Bulla (his son and successor), who ruled Bahire Negash in the sixteenth century, bore traditional Oromo names. Based on this interpretation, some Oromo proponents support the idea of reintegrating Eritrea into a future Orompia (an Oromic-led ethnic federation) or Oropia (an Oromic-led geographic federation).
For this reason, the following appeal has been made to the Prime Minister:
Dear Dr. Abiy, the Abay Dam stands as a testament to the legacy of Prime Minister Meles Z. Gobena. Now, the moment has arrived for you to forge your own historical legacy—one that surpasses that of your predecessors—by reclaiming the port of Assab in particular, or Eritrea as a whole. More specifically, this port must return to Oropia, a modern Ethiopia guided by the ideals of Oromummà.
It appears that you are beginning to align yourself more closely with the Oromo cause, but much remains to be done. Two major battles lie ahead: the ongoing struggle against the armed group Fano and the anticipated confrontation with the Eritrean regime, or Shabiya, to secure Assab as a vital port for Oropia.
Today, Ethiopia’s political landscape has crystallized into a clear dichotomy between the forces of the Amhara elite and the Oromo elite, with other national groups aligning themselves with one of these two blocs. Meles Zenawi successfully neutralized the Naftagna forces when they challenged his leadership. Why, Dr. Abiy, have you not done the same?
There are two possible reasons:
- You initially sought to keep the Naftagna forces within your fold, using them as a counterbalance against genuine Oromo nationalists who might pose a real challenge to your power.
- Unlike Tigrayans—who are ethnically Semitic and therefore considered more acceptable to the Amhara elite—Oromos are still viewed by some as inferior and incapable of leading. Consequently, your administration has been portrayed as ineffective, largely because of its Oromo leadership.
In many ways, you have trusted the scorpion, believing it would not sting. Yet the nature of the scorpion remains unchanged.
Had you truly embraced an unwavering commitment to Oromo nationalism, dismantling the Naftagna camp would have been far easier than Meles’s own efforts. This, however, requires more than tactical maneuvering—it requires a full and genuine return to the Oromo cause.
Once you neutralize the Fano threat, securing Assab will be paramount to ensuring Oropia’s access to the sea. This act will define your legacy and distinguish it from that of Meles Zenawi.
Oromo Rule—Or Merely an Oromo Mask?
Jawar Mohammed once described the conflict between the OLA and Biltsigina as “a quarrel within the Oromo family.” Yet, Dr. Abiy, does your administration truly represent Oromo governance? Many within the Oromo community would disagree.
The Derg was characterized by direct Amhara rule, modeled after French colonialism. Woyane, on the other hand, represented indirect Tigrayan rule, akin to British colonialism. Biltsigina—your government—is, in this view, the most deceptive form of all: it presents itself as an Oromo administration while, in reality, continuing to serve the entrenched interests of Amharanet.
The Oromo people have achieved 25% liberation by overthrowing the monarchy, 50% by dismantling the Derg, and 75% by toppling Woyane. According to this perspective, true liberation—100% freedom—can only be achieved by replacing Biltsigina with genuine Oromo rule.
Yet Biltsigina is portrayed as an illusion, deceiving even those who genuinely identify with Oromo nationalism into believing that this government represents their interests. While many of its leaders may bear Oromo names, their ideologies, values, and political objectives are, according to this argument, far removed from the core principles of Oromummà.
The Role of First Ladies in History’s Betrayal
An often-overlooked aspect of Ethiopian political history, according to the author, is the influence of the wives of post-monarchical rulers. Each of Ethiopia’s three leaders—Mengistu, Meles, and yourself—married women from Amhara backgrounds, and these women are presented as having played a significant role in shaping their husbands’ political trajectories.
Mengistu, despite his Oromo heritage, is described as having been influenced by his Gojjame wife. Meles, portrayed here as biologically Oromo but politically Tigrayan and psychologically Amhara, is described as having been influenced by his Wolqayit-Amhara wife. Similarly, your leadership, Dr. Abiy, is presented as following the same pattern, with your Gondar-Amhara wife influencing your decisions.
According to this argument, the result in all three cases has been the same: the betrayal of the Oromo cause and the reinforcement of Amharanet dominance.
A 150-Year Struggle for Oromo Liberation
The Oromo people have fought for liberation for more than 150 years, overthrowing monarchs, feudalists, and fascists. Yet, according to this perspective, they are still not fully free. The primary obstacle to complete freedom is presented as the internal sabotage of Oromo elites who remain mentally colonized.
Your government is described as the most subtle and dangerous form of oppression. It presents itself as a government of the Oromo while actively working against the principles of Oromummà. According to the author, it has divided the Oromo movement into pro-Abiy and anti-Abiy factions, thereby weakening its collective strength.
In many respects, your administration is portrayed as resembling a neo-Naftagna state—an Oromo mask concealing the same structural dynamics associated with Mengistu’s Derg.
The ongoing protests in Washington, D.C., are presented as reflecting this divide: on one side are the forces of Amharanet/Naftagnanet, now operating through the EPP; on the other are the forces of Oromummà/Netsanet, who oppose them.
Unity as a Weapon of Liberation
According to the author, genuine Oromo liberation can be achieved only through unity—the very unity that Abyssinian rulers have long feared and sought to undermine.
Historically, Oromia was united under the Gadà system, but divisions emerged when some Oromo factions embraced monarchy and aligned themselves with Abyssinian rulers. These divisions, further deepened by Abyssinian colonialism, continue to affect Oromo society today: Wellega versus Arsi, Shoa versus Wellega, and Hararge versus Arsi. The EPP is portrayed as continuing to exploit these divisions.
Even the OLF has experienced fragmentation—not because of ideological differences, but because of a lack of strategic unity. Tactical disagreements, the author argues, should never outweigh the shared vision of freedom.
Nevertheless, there are signs of hope. Efforts such as the Maccà-Tulama Association, the recent reconciliation among OLF factions, and the alliance formed under the OFC demonstrate that the desire for unity is growing. The author calls for building upon these efforts to create one strong OLF—unified in vision, leadership, and commitment to liberation.
Allies, Comrades, and Saboteurs
Within the ruling party (OPP), we must distinguish among three groups:
- Comrades — Oromo individuals who work within the system for the Oromo cause.
- Slaves — Those who, because of mental colonization, unknowingly serve the interests of the enemy.
- Criminals — Those who actively sabotage the Oromo struggle.
We must also remain open to collaborating with other oppressed nationalities, as well as with democratic Amhara or Tigrayan forces that support self-determination and equality. Working toward a voluntary union is not the same as being coerced into an oppressive one.
Final Words to Dr. Abiy
You now face a critical decision: continue down the path of Amharanized politics or return to the Oromo cause with full commitment.
This is your historic moment. Just as Meles left a legacy through the Abay Dam, you have the opportunity to create your own legacy by reclaiming Assab. However, this can only be achieved with the full support of a united Oromo force.
History is watching, and the Oromo people are watching. Will you choose Oromummà over Naftagnanet? Sovereignty over submission? A legacy of betrayal or one of genuine liberation?
May Wàqa grant us the wisdom and strength to reclaim our freedom through unity.
May He bless the Oromo people and guide us toward sovereignty—whether within a union or as an independent nation.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/03/0 ... few-years/