The Future: Oromic as the Primary Federal Language and Ethiopia Thriving as Oropia
Posted: 23 Jan 2026, 01:39
The Future: Oromic as the Primary Federal Language and Ethiopia Thriving as Oropia
By Fayyis Oromia*
There is little doubt that in the future, Oromic will emerge as the primary working language of the Federation, and Ethiopia will undergo a transformative process to thrive as Oromia. Recent developments have been promising, particularly with the initiation of negotiations by prominent figures such as Dr. Merera, Obbo Dawud, Dr. Abiy, and General Marro. These discussions are likely to address at least three significant concerns central to the Oromo cause:
- Bringing Finfinne (Addis Ababa) under the administration of Oromia.
- Elevating Oromic to the status of the primary working language of the Federation, replacing Amharic.
- Returning Wollo, including Raya, to Oromia.
Thanks to divine guidance, there is a growing consensus among Oromo political forces regarding the shared vision of our future—referred to as Kàyyô. The division between “Ethiopianists” and Oromianists is no longer as pronounced as it once was. I have actively contributed to building this consensus, advocating consistently for a reimagined Ethiopia, led by Oromo principles, to become Oropia—a democratic nation founded upon the core tenets of Oromummà.
This envisioned Oropia would fulfill three key objectives:
- Àngô Oromo: The power is vested in Oromo hands.
- Gadà Oromo: The adoption of a modernized Gadà system nationwide.
- Afàn Oromo: Recognition of Oromic as the primary working language of the Federation.
The Oromo people must assert ownership of this democratic country—de facto Oropia. The most strategic approach for the Oromo is to seize control of the power center at Finfinne Palace and transform Ethiopia into Oropia. Should other nations, particularly those located far from the center, decide to pursue independence, Oromia will stand as the remaining territory. As the majority group at the core, the Oromo will assume the role of the givers, not the recipients, of self-determination.
For example, the two dominant Habesha nations—Tigray and Amhara—could opt for separation from Oromia, with Tigray establishing Mekelle as its capital and Amhara choosing Bahir Dar, if they so desire. If the Oromo hold central power, they can grant these regions the right to leave the union. This proposal has been central to my political advocacy for years, and it seems that all Oromo forces are increasingly aligning with this approach.
The Oromo primary goal is an integrative Oropia. Secondarily, if other nations opt out, we would accept an independent Oromia, with Finfinne as its capital—comparable to how Russia retained Moscow after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, or Serbia held onto Belgrade following the breakup of Yugoslavia.
Many will recall the painful stories of Ethiopians suffering in Saudi Arabia. Numerous Oromo nationalists responded to these abuses in the Gulf by stating, “We must reclaim our homeland to end Oromo national homelessness.” Conversely, conservative Abyssinian forces exploited the crisis to promote their Ethiopiawinet narrative, again targeting Oromo nationalists.
That experience served as a critical reminder to clearly define the ultimate goal of the Oromo people. After achieving national liberation from foreign domination, our political objective is twofold: the establishment of an independent Oromia or the creation of an integrative Oropia. While both aspirations are shared by the Oromo people, individuals and organizations may place emphasis on one over the other.
For example:
- The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) supports a union under the name Ethiopia, or potentially renamed Oropia.
- The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has historically advocated for an independent Oromia as a UN-recognized state.
Both aspirations are valid, provided they are pursued within the context of freedom and democracy. Therefore, it is essential for Oromo organizations to unite in opposition to the oppressive Biltsigina regime. Our struggle must focus on capturing political power at Caffé Aràrà (the seat of the Ethiopian government), so that tyranny never reigns again.
There are two legitimate forms of post-liberation sovereignty:
- An independent Oromia as a Gadà Republic.
- An integrative Oropia, where the current false federation evolves into a genuine union led by the principles of Oromummà.
The Oromo nation has the right to choose between these two paths during the self-determination process, in alignment with the will of the people as the highest authority. Both options share the same ultimate goal: liberation from the Biltsigina regime and the capture of political power.
However, how do we effectively capture Caffé Aràrà? Can we rely on ritualistic, rigged “elections”? Should we choose nonviolent resistance or armed struggle? The best approach is a combination of both. The repeated fraudulent elections under the current regime have demonstrated that decolonization must precede democratization—we cannot expect genuine change through the ballot box alone under this repressive system.
Several years ago, Addis Neger Online ignited a debate about “Ethiopian democratization vs. Oromian decolonization.” One writer even called for an “Oromo Obama” or “Oromo Mandela” to address the region’s issues. While this sentiment is admirable, it does not fully align with the priorities of the Oromo people. The writer’s optimism about elections overlooked the entrenched nature of systemic oppression.
Since 2018, the Biltsigina regime has ruled with increasing brutality. Those who fought against the Woyane dictatorship could not have imagined a worse scenario, yet Biltsigina has proven otherwise. The current regime operates as a fascist tool for a single manipulative leader, comparable in cruelty to historical figures like Hitler or Stalin. While the Prime Minister appears to be a puppet, reactionary Amhara elites control much of the power behind the scenes.
Under these conditions, is participating in “elections” a viable path to achieving either Oropia or Oromia? Clearly, it is not. The most recent “election” displayed two hallmark tools of dictatorship: force and fraud, resulting in near-total control of parliamentary seats—echoing Stalin’s or Saddam Hussein’s elections.
In multinational states like Ethiopia, elections are not mere contests between political parties—they represent struggles between nations for power and survival. The dynamic is evident: the colonizers (Amhara and Tigray elites) versus the colonized (primarily the Oromo and other oppressed nations).
European history teaches us that true democracy follows national freedom, not the other way around. European states allow their nations to exist freely—so why do they encourage African nations to pursue unity before freedom?
The colonial legacy in Africa has left us with unnatural borders, either splitting unified nations into multiple states (e.g., Somalia) or forcing many nations into one state (e.g., Ethiopia). These artificial conditions make genuine democracy unachievable. The solution lies in either establishing viable nation-states or ensuring genuine ethnic federalism based on consent, not coercion.
Returning to the context of Oropia: as long as the Abyssinian colonial domination system remains in place, democratization will remain an unattainable dream. The Biltsigina elites will never willingly relinquish their privileges. Elections under such a system serve only as a performance—tools for exposure, not transformation. The OFC, OLF, Medrek, and CUD have each exposed this system through elections in 1992, 2005, 2010, 2015, and 2021. More exposure is unnecessary; what is needed now is decisive action.
The time has come for all forces to unite under a shared goal, employing three effective strategies:
- Civil disobedience
- Armed struggle
- Mass uprising
Participation in elections should serve merely to facilitate these methods—not to legitimize a fraudulent process.
In summary:
- Democratization within an empire is impossible.
- Decolonization must precede democratization.
Only after liberation can nations decide whether to democratize or unite in an integrative Oropia.
Ultimately, two primary strategies for Oromo liberation exist:
- Armed struggle for an independent Oromia.
- Nonviolent struggle for an integrative Oropia.
Even if these camps do not fully merge, they must at least coordinate and complement one another. The shared ground is:
- Freedom from Biltsigina.
- Democracy after Biltsigina.
Whether the future brings Oropia or Oromia, both are legitimate and worthy outcomes. Fortunately, there is now growing consensus among Oromo elites to prioritize Oropia, while keeping Oromia as a secondary option. May divine guidance lead us toward realizing one—or both—of these noble goals.
Galatôma.
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/04/2 ... to-oromia/
By Fayyis Oromia*
There is little doubt that in the future, Oromic will emerge as the primary working language of the Federation, and Ethiopia will undergo a transformative process to thrive as Oromia. Recent developments have been promising, particularly with the initiation of negotiations by prominent figures such as Dr. Merera, Obbo Dawud, Dr. Abiy, and General Marro. These discussions are likely to address at least three significant concerns central to the Oromo cause:
- Bringing Finfinne (Addis Ababa) under the administration of Oromia.
- Elevating Oromic to the status of the primary working language of the Federation, replacing Amharic.
- Returning Wollo, including Raya, to Oromia.
Thanks to divine guidance, there is a growing consensus among Oromo political forces regarding the shared vision of our future—referred to as Kàyyô. The division between “Ethiopianists” and Oromianists is no longer as pronounced as it once was. I have actively contributed to building this consensus, advocating consistently for a reimagined Ethiopia, led by Oromo principles, to become Oropia—a democratic nation founded upon the core tenets of Oromummà.
This envisioned Oropia would fulfill three key objectives:
- Àngô Oromo: The power is vested in Oromo hands.
- Gadà Oromo: The adoption of a modernized Gadà system nationwide.
- Afàn Oromo: Recognition of Oromic as the primary working language of the Federation.
The Oromo people must assert ownership of this democratic country—de facto Oropia. The most strategic approach for the Oromo is to seize control of the power center at Finfinne Palace and transform Ethiopia into Oropia. Should other nations, particularly those located far from the center, decide to pursue independence, Oromia will stand as the remaining territory. As the majority group at the core, the Oromo will assume the role of the givers, not the recipients, of self-determination.
For example, the two dominant Habesha nations—Tigray and Amhara—could opt for separation from Oromia, with Tigray establishing Mekelle as its capital and Amhara choosing Bahir Dar, if they so desire. If the Oromo hold central power, they can grant these regions the right to leave the union. This proposal has been central to my political advocacy for years, and it seems that all Oromo forces are increasingly aligning with this approach.
The Oromo primary goal is an integrative Oropia. Secondarily, if other nations opt out, we would accept an independent Oromia, with Finfinne as its capital—comparable to how Russia retained Moscow after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, or Serbia held onto Belgrade following the breakup of Yugoslavia.
Many will recall the painful stories of Ethiopians suffering in Saudi Arabia. Numerous Oromo nationalists responded to these abuses in the Gulf by stating, “We must reclaim our homeland to end Oromo national homelessness.” Conversely, conservative Abyssinian forces exploited the crisis to promote their Ethiopiawinet narrative, again targeting Oromo nationalists.
That experience served as a critical reminder to clearly define the ultimate goal of the Oromo people. After achieving national liberation from foreign domination, our political objective is twofold: the establishment of an independent Oromia or the creation of an integrative Oropia. While both aspirations are shared by the Oromo people, individuals and organizations may place emphasis on one over the other.
For example:
- The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) supports a union under the name Ethiopia, or potentially renamed Oropia.
- The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) has historically advocated for an independent Oromia as a UN-recognized state.
Both aspirations are valid, provided they are pursued within the context of freedom and democracy. Therefore, it is essential for Oromo organizations to unite in opposition to the oppressive Biltsigina regime. Our struggle must focus on capturing political power at Caffé Aràrà (the seat of the Ethiopian government), so that tyranny never reigns again.
There are two legitimate forms of post-liberation sovereignty:
- An independent Oromia as a Gadà Republic.
- An integrative Oropia, where the current false federation evolves into a genuine union led by the principles of Oromummà.
The Oromo nation has the right to choose between these two paths during the self-determination process, in alignment with the will of the people as the highest authority. Both options share the same ultimate goal: liberation from the Biltsigina regime and the capture of political power.
However, how do we effectively capture Caffé Aràrà? Can we rely on ritualistic, rigged “elections”? Should we choose nonviolent resistance or armed struggle? The best approach is a combination of both. The repeated fraudulent elections under the current regime have demonstrated that decolonization must precede democratization—we cannot expect genuine change through the ballot box alone under this repressive system.
Several years ago, Addis Neger Online ignited a debate about “Ethiopian democratization vs. Oromian decolonization.” One writer even called for an “Oromo Obama” or “Oromo Mandela” to address the region’s issues. While this sentiment is admirable, it does not fully align with the priorities of the Oromo people. The writer’s optimism about elections overlooked the entrenched nature of systemic oppression.
Since 2018, the Biltsigina regime has ruled with increasing brutality. Those who fought against the Woyane dictatorship could not have imagined a worse scenario, yet Biltsigina has proven otherwise. The current regime operates as a fascist tool for a single manipulative leader, comparable in cruelty to historical figures like Hitler or Stalin. While the Prime Minister appears to be a puppet, reactionary Amhara elites control much of the power behind the scenes.
Under these conditions, is participating in “elections” a viable path to achieving either Oropia or Oromia? Clearly, it is not. The most recent “election” displayed two hallmark tools of dictatorship: force and fraud, resulting in near-total control of parliamentary seats—echoing Stalin’s or Saddam Hussein’s elections.
In multinational states like Ethiopia, elections are not mere contests between political parties—they represent struggles between nations for power and survival. The dynamic is evident: the colonizers (Amhara and Tigray elites) versus the colonized (primarily the Oromo and other oppressed nations).
European history teaches us that true democracy follows national freedom, not the other way around. European states allow their nations to exist freely—so why do they encourage African nations to pursue unity before freedom?
The colonial legacy in Africa has left us with unnatural borders, either splitting unified nations into multiple states (e.g., Somalia) or forcing many nations into one state (e.g., Ethiopia). These artificial conditions make genuine democracy unachievable. The solution lies in either establishing viable nation-states or ensuring genuine ethnic federalism based on consent, not coercion.
Returning to the context of Oropia: as long as the Abyssinian colonial domination system remains in place, democratization will remain an unattainable dream. The Biltsigina elites will never willingly relinquish their privileges. Elections under such a system serve only as a performance—tools for exposure, not transformation. The OFC, OLF, Medrek, and CUD have each exposed this system through elections in 1992, 2005, 2010, 2015, and 2021. More exposure is unnecessary; what is needed now is decisive action.
The time has come for all forces to unite under a shared goal, employing three effective strategies:
- Civil disobedience
- Armed struggle
- Mass uprising
Participation in elections should serve merely to facilitate these methods—not to legitimize a fraudulent process.
In summary:
- Democratization within an empire is impossible.
- Decolonization must precede democratization.
Only after liberation can nations decide whether to democratize or unite in an integrative Oropia.
Ultimately, two primary strategies for Oromo liberation exist:
- Armed struggle for an independent Oromia.
- Nonviolent struggle for an integrative Oropia.
Even if these camps do not fully merge, they must at least coordinate and complement one another. The shared ground is:
- Freedom from Biltsigina.
- Democracy after Biltsigina.
Whether the future brings Oropia or Oromia, both are legitimate and worthy outcomes. Fortunately, there is now growing consensus among Oromo elites to prioritize Oropia, while keeping Oromia as a secondary option. May divine guidance lead us toward realizing one—or both—of these noble goals.
Galatôma.
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/04/2 ... to-oromia/