Is Dr. Abiy Dismantling the System of Amharic Domination (SAD) and Fostering a System of Oromic Leadership (SOL)?
Posted: 18 Jan 2026, 06:35
Is Dr. Abiy Dismantling the System of Amharic Domination (SAD) and Fostering a System of Oromic Leadership (SOL)?
By Fayyis Oromia*
The Oromo liberation movement must prioritize the dismantling of the 750-year-old System of Amharic Domination (SAD) in order to establish a legitimate and demographically representative System of Oromic Leadership (SOL) within a democratic, multilingual Ethiopia. While some proponents of the colonial-era argument advocate for Oromia’s secession from Ethiopia, this approach may prove less beneficial than transforming Ethiopia into a truly Oromic-led geo-federation—Oropia.
The Natural Trajectory of Ethiopian Politics
Ethiopian politics has followed a recognizable and evolving trajectory:
- Amapia: An Amharic-dominated geo-federation until 1991.
- Amarpia: An Amharic-dominated ethnic federation, representing the status quo.
- Confepia: A potential confederation where languages and cultures coexist with equitable representation.
- Orompia: An Oromic-led multi-national federation.
- Oropia: An Oromic-led geo-federation.
If Dr. Abiy Ahmed wishes to leave a positive legacy in Oromo history, he must abandon the preservation of Amarpia and instead promote the transition towards SOL. Oromo society—especially republican, forward-looking elites—must prioritize this systemic shift from SAD to SOL.
Current Political Divisions
The political landscape in Ethiopia today is divided into three primary camps:
- Reactionary Forces: Those who seek to preserve the 750-year-old system of Amharic domination. For these groups, Ethiopia remains rooted in Amapia or Amarpia. Parties such as the EPP (led by Abiy), Ezema (led by Berhanu), NAMA (led by Belete), and Balderas (led by Eskinder) fall into this category. While Amapia is in decline, its proponents resist change.
- Moderate Forces: These groups aim to build a “Rainbow Ethiopia,” where various languages and cultures coexist without subjugation. This may represent a transitional phase rather than a long-term solution.
- Radical Democratic Forces: These advocates push for a realistic Ethiopia led by Oromic leadership—de facto Orompia or Oropia. Many Oromo nationalists view this as the natural democratic evolution.
The first and second models (Amapia and Amarpia) survive primarily through authoritarianism. This explains why parties like the EPP and Ezema are comfortable with the current authoritarian status quo. The third model (Confepia) can be seen as a bridge between Amarpia and Orompia. The fourth and fifth models (Orompia and Oropia) represent the legitimate democratic future of Ethiopia.
Jawar Mohammed has recently emphasized the need to push forward this transition and called on Dr. Abiy to abandon the authoritarian maintenance of Amarpia in favor of building Orompia.
Which Ethiopia Does the Prosperity Party Seek to Preserve? The Prosperity Party (PP) has pledged to preserve Ethiopia’s unity. However, the critical question remains: Which Ethiopia?
An Amharic-dominated Amapia or Amarpia?
A fair, culturally and linguistically representative Confepia (e.g., Oromumma 40%, Agawinet 20%, Amaranet 10%, etc.)?
An Oromic-led Orompia or Oropia, with Oromic as the primary federal language and Oromumma in national leadership?
While Confepia may seem ideal in theory, the deep tension between the two major cultural identities—Amaranet and Oromumma—suggests it is inherently a temporary solution. Historically, minority groups have assimilated into whichever culture holds political dominance. Today, minorities gravitate towards Amaranet; under Oromic leadership, however, they would likely embrace Oromumma.
Symbolically, Ethiopian identity has long been shaped by two opposing forces: white (Amaranet) and black (Oromumma)—with “black” representing holiness in Oromo culture. The current Ethiopian identity is “gray,” influenced by both. Before the rise of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) fifty years ago, the country was almost entirely “white.” However, thanks to the OLF’s Bilisumma vision, Ethiopia is gradually becoming more Oromo.
Currently, the cultural balance in Ethiopia may be roughly 60% Amaranet and 40% Oromumma. The goal should be a more balanced Rainbow Ethiopia (40% Oromumma, 10% Amaranet, 50% other groups). If this balance proves unachievable, the shift should aim for at least 40% Amaranet and 60% Oromumma.
Regrettably, Dr. Abiy and his Prosperity Party seem intent on preserving the existing Amarpia rather than advancing Confepia, Orompia, or Oropia.
The Core Divide: Language Dominance, Not Federal Structure
The central distinction between pro-Amaranet elites (such as Abiy) and pro-Oromumma elites (such as Haile Fida) is not the issue of geo-federalism versus ethno-federalism, but which language should dominate federal institutions—whether the presidency, parliament, military, security, or judiciary.
In Ethiopia, two languages cannot equally lead the federation. One must either dominate (through authoritarianism) or lead (through democratic principles). In Abiy’s Ethiopia, Amharic remains dominant. Even his official social media accounts reflect this hierarchy—Amharic is prioritized, followed by English or Oromic.
This pattern of linguistic dominance has persisted from the reign of Yekuno Amlak (1270) to the present day under Abiy Ahmed. True Oromo intellectuals, such as Haile Fida (an Oropianist) and Baro Tumsa (an Orompianist), have argued that any federal model is acceptable as long as Oromic is the leading national language.
The Three Phases of Oromo Liberation
The Oromo struggle for liberation can be divided into three key phases:
- 1991: The defeat of the Amhara unitarist state.
- 2018: The removal of the Tigrayan ruling class.
- Today: The ongoing struggle against Oromo collaborators under Abiy’s leadership, who continue to preserve SAD rather than advance SOL.
Throughout Ethiopia’s history, the Naftagna forces (Amhara, Tigray, and hybrid elites) have enforced Amharic dominance while marginalizing the Oromo
language and culture. While this was expected from Abyssinian elites, it is particularly painful to witness from Oromo elites aligned with Abiy, who have embraced this hybrid form of governance.
Should democracy prevail, Oromic will naturally become the working federal language of Ethiopia. Many Amhara elites recognize this inevitability and, in turn, resist democratic change, as it threatens their long-held dominance. Jawar Mohammed’s democratic vision is designed to facilitate this transition—from Abiy’s authoritarian regime to a democratic Orompia.
Athiopia vs. Othiopia: A Vision for the Future
At one point, it seemed clear that Abyssinian-Dominated Ethiopia (ADE or “Athiopia”) was fading and that an Oromic-Led Ethiopia (OLE or “Othiopia”) was emerging. However, Abiy appears committed to preserving Athiopia rather than building Othiopia. Ultimately, there is no middle ground: Ethiopia will either remain Amharic-dominated or become an Oromic-led federation.
During the early reforms led by Team Lamma, Athiopia began to decline, while Othiopia rose. Abesha elites grew resentful of Ethiopia, while the Oromo increasingly embraced the idea of a reformed, Oromo-led Ethiopia. However, Abiy’s transitional order still resembles Athiopia more than Othiopia.
Changing Attitudes Toward Ethiopia
- Before 1991: The Oromo hated Ethiopia, Tigrayans were indifferent, and Amhara were proud.
- 1991–2018: Tigrayans were proud, the Oromo were ambivalent, and the Amhara were resentful.
- Today: Tigrayans are hostile, Amhara are indifferent, and the Oromo are increasingly embracing the idea of Ethiopia—because Ethiopia’s democratic future aligns with Orompia or Oropia.
Amhara elites may eventually opt for separation, as Tigrayans did. However, the Oromo have every reason to preserve Ethiopia and shape its future.
Ethiopia as a Reclaimed Name
The name “Ethiopia” is a political trademark. Whoever controls the power in Finfinne controls the meaning of this name. Oromo elites must reclaim and redefine the name “Ethiopia” rather than abandon it. Encouragingly, many Oromo leaders are now taking ownership of this vision.
Dr. Abiy, however, is paying a political price for clinging to Athiopia. He is losing Oromo support while opportunistic Abesha elites continue to exploit his leadership. He would be wise to return to the reformist vision of Team Lamma and help build Othiopia on the ashes of Athiopia.
The Rise of Cushitic Civilization
Cushitic peoples across the Horn of Africa are awakening to assert their cultural and political leadership. The region from southern Egypt to northern Tanzania is the heartland of Cushitic civilization. The Oromo, as the largest Cushitic nation, now have an unparalleled opportunity to lead the Horn of Africa both culturally and politically. This awakening is not just a political shift, but also a cultural renaissance, as Cushitic peoples reclaim their historical and political significance within the region.
Historically, the so-called “Habesha” have denied their Cushitic roots while simultaneously claiming the mantle of “true Ethiopians.” This narrative, rooted in the Saba-Solomon myth, has been used to justify their hegemonic position within Ethiopia. The myth traces the lineage of figures like Menelik I to the union of Sheba and Solomon, a narrative constructed to legitimize power structures that favor the Amhara and Tigray elites. Western colonial powers further supported this myth, propping up Habesha elites as colonial proxies over Cushitic populations, even advising them to adopt the name Ethiopia instead of Abyssinia to mask their colonial role.
However, the time has come for the true Ethiopians—the Cushitic peoples—to reclaim their rightful place in shaping the region’s future. For too long, the dominant narrative has marginalized Cushitic identities. Now, marginalized groups across Ethiopia and the Horn are coming together to dismantle the Abyssinian-dominated colonial structure and assert a new vision of Ethiopia.
Toward a Cushitic Democratic Ethiopia
In this new Ethiopia, the Oromo, along with other Cushitic nations, must transcend regionalism and form broader national coalitions to unify the region. Organizations like the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) can play a central role in this transformation, but it will require the building of larger, more inclusive political platforms—such as an Ethiopian Federalist Congress (EFC) or an Ethiopian Liberation Front (ELF)—to bring together the diverse Cushitic nations and dismantle the remnants of Abyssinian domination.
The struggle, therefore, is not merely between regional identities or between ethnic groups. It is a fundamental battle between the colonizer pseudo-Ethiopians and the colonized true Ethiopians. This struggle will only end when Ethiopia is free from Abyssinian hegemony, and a new, democratic Ethiopia—led by Oromic principles—flourishes in place of the old Athiopia.
The Potential for a New Ethiopia
A truly Oromic-led Ethiopia, or Othiopia, would not only shift the political and cultural landscape of the nation but could serve as a model for the entire Horn of Africa. In this vision, Finfinne—currently the capital of Oromia, Ethiopia, and the African Union—could emerge as the heart of a revitalized Cushitic civilization. Ethiopia, as a beacon of democratic governance, would become a powerful symbol of unity and cooperation across the entire region.
Is Dr. Abiy Preserving ADE or Building OLE?
The answer to this question remains to be seen. While Abiy’s rhetoric has shifted over time, the practical realities on the ground still suggest that Athiopia is being preserved rather than transformed. The continued dominance of Amharic in government institutions, the prioritization of Amaranet culture, and the reluctance to adopt Oromic as a national language all point toward the preservation of an ethnocentric Ethiopian state—a state where Oromo voices remain marginalized in the corridors of power.
If Abiy is unaware of this trend, it is essential for his eyes to be opened to the reality of his leadership. If he consciously chooses to perpetuate the old order, then the Oromo, and indeed all democratic forces in Ethiopia, must look elsewhere—for leadership, vision, and a path forward. Perhaps it is time to turn to Jawar Mohammed’s call for a democratic federation, where Oromic language and leadership will take their rightful place in shaping Ethiopia’s future.
Conclusion: The Future of Ethiopia
Ethiopia stands at a crossroads. The forces of authoritarianism, embodied by the proponents of Athiopia, cling to an outdated vision of a nation dominated by one ethnic group and one language. On the other hand, the forces of democratic reform, led by those advocating for Orompia or Oropia, are pushing for a new Ethiopia that respects linguistic and cultural diversity, where Oromic leadership is central to the country’s future.
Dr. Abiy, if he wishes to leave a lasting legacy, must choose which Ethiopia he will build: the old Athiopia or a new Othiopia. The Oromo and other marginalized groups have suffered too long under the dominance of Amharic and Amaranet elites. They are increasingly looking toward a future where Ethiopia is redefined, not as a tool of colonial oppression, but as a beacon of democratic, Cushitic-led governance.
In this new Ethiopia, the struggle is not just for political power; it is for cultural identity, for linguistic equality, and for the establishment of a true democratic state where all peoples, from the Oromo to the Amhara, the Tigray to the Sidama, can coexist with respect and dignity. The Oromo, as the largest Cushitic group, stand at the forefront of this struggle. Their vision of Othiopia—a truly Oromic-led federation—may well become the foundation for the future of the Horn of Africa.
Thus, the question is no longer whether Ethiopia will change, but how and in whose image. As history unfolds, the Oromo, armed with their resilience, cultural pride, and democratic vision, will continue to play a central role in shaping the future of Ethiopia.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/03/1 ... at-oromia/
By Fayyis Oromia*
The Oromo liberation movement must prioritize the dismantling of the 750-year-old System of Amharic Domination (SAD) in order to establish a legitimate and demographically representative System of Oromic Leadership (SOL) within a democratic, multilingual Ethiopia. While some proponents of the colonial-era argument advocate for Oromia’s secession from Ethiopia, this approach may prove less beneficial than transforming Ethiopia into a truly Oromic-led geo-federation—Oropia.
The Natural Trajectory of Ethiopian Politics
Ethiopian politics has followed a recognizable and evolving trajectory:
- Amapia: An Amharic-dominated geo-federation until 1991.
- Amarpia: An Amharic-dominated ethnic federation, representing the status quo.
- Confepia: A potential confederation where languages and cultures coexist with equitable representation.
- Orompia: An Oromic-led multi-national federation.
- Oropia: An Oromic-led geo-federation.
If Dr. Abiy Ahmed wishes to leave a positive legacy in Oromo history, he must abandon the preservation of Amarpia and instead promote the transition towards SOL. Oromo society—especially republican, forward-looking elites—must prioritize this systemic shift from SAD to SOL.
Current Political Divisions
The political landscape in Ethiopia today is divided into three primary camps:
- Reactionary Forces: Those who seek to preserve the 750-year-old system of Amharic domination. For these groups, Ethiopia remains rooted in Amapia or Amarpia. Parties such as the EPP (led by Abiy), Ezema (led by Berhanu), NAMA (led by Belete), and Balderas (led by Eskinder) fall into this category. While Amapia is in decline, its proponents resist change.
- Moderate Forces: These groups aim to build a “Rainbow Ethiopia,” where various languages and cultures coexist without subjugation. This may represent a transitional phase rather than a long-term solution.
- Radical Democratic Forces: These advocates push for a realistic Ethiopia led by Oromic leadership—de facto Orompia or Oropia. Many Oromo nationalists view this as the natural democratic evolution.
The first and second models (Amapia and Amarpia) survive primarily through authoritarianism. This explains why parties like the EPP and Ezema are comfortable with the current authoritarian status quo. The third model (Confepia) can be seen as a bridge between Amarpia and Orompia. The fourth and fifth models (Orompia and Oropia) represent the legitimate democratic future of Ethiopia.
Jawar Mohammed has recently emphasized the need to push forward this transition and called on Dr. Abiy to abandon the authoritarian maintenance of Amarpia in favor of building Orompia.
Which Ethiopia Does the Prosperity Party Seek to Preserve? The Prosperity Party (PP) has pledged to preserve Ethiopia’s unity. However, the critical question remains: Which Ethiopia?
An Amharic-dominated Amapia or Amarpia?
A fair, culturally and linguistically representative Confepia (e.g., Oromumma 40%, Agawinet 20%, Amaranet 10%, etc.)?
An Oromic-led Orompia or Oropia, with Oromic as the primary federal language and Oromumma in national leadership?
While Confepia may seem ideal in theory, the deep tension between the two major cultural identities—Amaranet and Oromumma—suggests it is inherently a temporary solution. Historically, minority groups have assimilated into whichever culture holds political dominance. Today, minorities gravitate towards Amaranet; under Oromic leadership, however, they would likely embrace Oromumma.
Symbolically, Ethiopian identity has long been shaped by two opposing forces: white (Amaranet) and black (Oromumma)—with “black” representing holiness in Oromo culture. The current Ethiopian identity is “gray,” influenced by both. Before the rise of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) fifty years ago, the country was almost entirely “white.” However, thanks to the OLF’s Bilisumma vision, Ethiopia is gradually becoming more Oromo.
Currently, the cultural balance in Ethiopia may be roughly 60% Amaranet and 40% Oromumma. The goal should be a more balanced Rainbow Ethiopia (40% Oromumma, 10% Amaranet, 50% other groups). If this balance proves unachievable, the shift should aim for at least 40% Amaranet and 60% Oromumma.
Regrettably, Dr. Abiy and his Prosperity Party seem intent on preserving the existing Amarpia rather than advancing Confepia, Orompia, or Oropia.
The Core Divide: Language Dominance, Not Federal Structure
The central distinction between pro-Amaranet elites (such as Abiy) and pro-Oromumma elites (such as Haile Fida) is not the issue of geo-federalism versus ethno-federalism, but which language should dominate federal institutions—whether the presidency, parliament, military, security, or judiciary.
In Ethiopia, two languages cannot equally lead the federation. One must either dominate (through authoritarianism) or lead (through democratic principles). In Abiy’s Ethiopia, Amharic remains dominant. Even his official social media accounts reflect this hierarchy—Amharic is prioritized, followed by English or Oromic.
This pattern of linguistic dominance has persisted from the reign of Yekuno Amlak (1270) to the present day under Abiy Ahmed. True Oromo intellectuals, such as Haile Fida (an Oropianist) and Baro Tumsa (an Orompianist), have argued that any federal model is acceptable as long as Oromic is the leading national language.
The Three Phases of Oromo Liberation
The Oromo struggle for liberation can be divided into three key phases:
- 1991: The defeat of the Amhara unitarist state.
- 2018: The removal of the Tigrayan ruling class.
- Today: The ongoing struggle against Oromo collaborators under Abiy’s leadership, who continue to preserve SAD rather than advance SOL.
Throughout Ethiopia’s history, the Naftagna forces (Amhara, Tigray, and hybrid elites) have enforced Amharic dominance while marginalizing the Oromo
language and culture. While this was expected from Abyssinian elites, it is particularly painful to witness from Oromo elites aligned with Abiy, who have embraced this hybrid form of governance.
Should democracy prevail, Oromic will naturally become the working federal language of Ethiopia. Many Amhara elites recognize this inevitability and, in turn, resist democratic change, as it threatens their long-held dominance. Jawar Mohammed’s democratic vision is designed to facilitate this transition—from Abiy’s authoritarian regime to a democratic Orompia.
Athiopia vs. Othiopia: A Vision for the Future
At one point, it seemed clear that Abyssinian-Dominated Ethiopia (ADE or “Athiopia”) was fading and that an Oromic-Led Ethiopia (OLE or “Othiopia”) was emerging. However, Abiy appears committed to preserving Athiopia rather than building Othiopia. Ultimately, there is no middle ground: Ethiopia will either remain Amharic-dominated or become an Oromic-led federation.
During the early reforms led by Team Lamma, Athiopia began to decline, while Othiopia rose. Abesha elites grew resentful of Ethiopia, while the Oromo increasingly embraced the idea of a reformed, Oromo-led Ethiopia. However, Abiy’s transitional order still resembles Athiopia more than Othiopia.
Changing Attitudes Toward Ethiopia
- Before 1991: The Oromo hated Ethiopia, Tigrayans were indifferent, and Amhara were proud.
- 1991–2018: Tigrayans were proud, the Oromo were ambivalent, and the Amhara were resentful.
- Today: Tigrayans are hostile, Amhara are indifferent, and the Oromo are increasingly embracing the idea of Ethiopia—because Ethiopia’s democratic future aligns with Orompia or Oropia.
Amhara elites may eventually opt for separation, as Tigrayans did. However, the Oromo have every reason to preserve Ethiopia and shape its future.
Ethiopia as a Reclaimed Name
The name “Ethiopia” is a political trademark. Whoever controls the power in Finfinne controls the meaning of this name. Oromo elites must reclaim and redefine the name “Ethiopia” rather than abandon it. Encouragingly, many Oromo leaders are now taking ownership of this vision.
Dr. Abiy, however, is paying a political price for clinging to Athiopia. He is losing Oromo support while opportunistic Abesha elites continue to exploit his leadership. He would be wise to return to the reformist vision of Team Lamma and help build Othiopia on the ashes of Athiopia.
The Rise of Cushitic Civilization
Cushitic peoples across the Horn of Africa are awakening to assert their cultural and political leadership. The region from southern Egypt to northern Tanzania is the heartland of Cushitic civilization. The Oromo, as the largest Cushitic nation, now have an unparalleled opportunity to lead the Horn of Africa both culturally and politically. This awakening is not just a political shift, but also a cultural renaissance, as Cushitic peoples reclaim their historical and political significance within the region.
Historically, the so-called “Habesha” have denied their Cushitic roots while simultaneously claiming the mantle of “true Ethiopians.” This narrative, rooted in the Saba-Solomon myth, has been used to justify their hegemonic position within Ethiopia. The myth traces the lineage of figures like Menelik I to the union of Sheba and Solomon, a narrative constructed to legitimize power structures that favor the Amhara and Tigray elites. Western colonial powers further supported this myth, propping up Habesha elites as colonial proxies over Cushitic populations, even advising them to adopt the name Ethiopia instead of Abyssinia to mask their colonial role.
However, the time has come for the true Ethiopians—the Cushitic peoples—to reclaim their rightful place in shaping the region’s future. For too long, the dominant narrative has marginalized Cushitic identities. Now, marginalized groups across Ethiopia and the Horn are coming together to dismantle the Abyssinian-dominated colonial structure and assert a new vision of Ethiopia.
Toward a Cushitic Democratic Ethiopia
In this new Ethiopia, the Oromo, along with other Cushitic nations, must transcend regionalism and form broader national coalitions to unify the region. Organizations like the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) can play a central role in this transformation, but it will require the building of larger, more inclusive political platforms—such as an Ethiopian Federalist Congress (EFC) or an Ethiopian Liberation Front (ELF)—to bring together the diverse Cushitic nations and dismantle the remnants of Abyssinian domination.
The struggle, therefore, is not merely between regional identities or between ethnic groups. It is a fundamental battle between the colonizer pseudo-Ethiopians and the colonized true Ethiopians. This struggle will only end when Ethiopia is free from Abyssinian hegemony, and a new, democratic Ethiopia—led by Oromic principles—flourishes in place of the old Athiopia.
The Potential for a New Ethiopia
A truly Oromic-led Ethiopia, or Othiopia, would not only shift the political and cultural landscape of the nation but could serve as a model for the entire Horn of Africa. In this vision, Finfinne—currently the capital of Oromia, Ethiopia, and the African Union—could emerge as the heart of a revitalized Cushitic civilization. Ethiopia, as a beacon of democratic governance, would become a powerful symbol of unity and cooperation across the entire region.
Is Dr. Abiy Preserving ADE or Building OLE?
The answer to this question remains to be seen. While Abiy’s rhetoric has shifted over time, the practical realities on the ground still suggest that Athiopia is being preserved rather than transformed. The continued dominance of Amharic in government institutions, the prioritization of Amaranet culture, and the reluctance to adopt Oromic as a national language all point toward the preservation of an ethnocentric Ethiopian state—a state where Oromo voices remain marginalized in the corridors of power.
If Abiy is unaware of this trend, it is essential for his eyes to be opened to the reality of his leadership. If he consciously chooses to perpetuate the old order, then the Oromo, and indeed all democratic forces in Ethiopia, must look elsewhere—for leadership, vision, and a path forward. Perhaps it is time to turn to Jawar Mohammed’s call for a democratic federation, where Oromic language and leadership will take their rightful place in shaping Ethiopia’s future.
Conclusion: The Future of Ethiopia
Ethiopia stands at a crossroads. The forces of authoritarianism, embodied by the proponents of Athiopia, cling to an outdated vision of a nation dominated by one ethnic group and one language. On the other hand, the forces of democratic reform, led by those advocating for Orompia or Oropia, are pushing for a new Ethiopia that respects linguistic and cultural diversity, where Oromic leadership is central to the country’s future.
Dr. Abiy, if he wishes to leave a lasting legacy, must choose which Ethiopia he will build: the old Athiopia or a new Othiopia. The Oromo and other marginalized groups have suffered too long under the dominance of Amharic and Amaranet elites. They are increasingly looking toward a future where Ethiopia is redefined, not as a tool of colonial oppression, but as a beacon of democratic, Cushitic-led governance.
In this new Ethiopia, the struggle is not just for political power; it is for cultural identity, for linguistic equality, and for the establishment of a true democratic state where all peoples, from the Oromo to the Amhara, the Tigray to the Sidama, can coexist with respect and dignity. The Oromo, as the largest Cushitic group, stand at the forefront of this struggle. Their vision of Othiopia—a truly Oromic-led federation—may well become the foundation for the future of the Horn of Africa.
Thus, the question is no longer whether Ethiopia will change, but how and in whose image. As history unfolds, the Oromo, armed with their resilience, cultural pride, and democratic vision, will continue to play a central role in shaping the future of Ethiopia.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/03/1 ... at-oromia/