Oromo-Specific Goal: Oromic as the Primary Working Language of Ethiopia
By Fayyis Oromia*
Abstract
This article argues that the long-term democratization and stability of Ethiopia depend on elevating Oromic (Afaan Oromo) to the status of the country’s primary federal working language. It situates the language question within broader historical, political, and ideological struggles among Ethiopian elites and contends that linguistic hierarchy reflects power relations. The promotion of Oromic is presented not merely as a cultural demand, but as a structural prerequisite for a democratic, inclusive, and post-hegemonic Ethiopian federation—conceptualized here as Oropia (an Oromic-led geo-federation).
From Oromia to Oropia: The Evolution of Oromo Political Vision
Historically, segments of the Oromo political movement envisioned an independent Oromia, largely as a response to prolonged marginalization and political repression. Over time, and as Oromo political confidence increased, this vision evolved toward support for a democratic, multinational federation—here referred to as Orompia, an Oromic-led ethnic federation within Ethiopia.
Looking further ahead, it is conceivable that political maturation and democratic consolidation could render rigid borders less relevant. In such a context, a genuinely democratic Ethiopia would, in practice, become Oropia: an Oromic-led, inclusive, and pluralistic geo-federation. The indispensable condition for this transformation is the elevation of Oromic to the position of Ethiopia’s primary federal working language, replacing Amharic.
Achieving this objective requires political power. Oromo republican forces must therefore assume leadership at the federal center, including in Finfinné, to implement meaningful linguistic reform.
Elite Competition and the Question of Political Alignment
Contemporary Ethiopian politics is characterized by competition between Oromo and Amhara elites for dominance within the federal state. The position of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed within this struggle remains ambiguous. To date, his administration has largely preserved the primacy of Amharic, often at the expense of Oromic. This policy orientation has contributed significantly to his loss of support among the Oromo population, particularly among the youth-led Qérrômovement.
As Oromo support eroded, segments of Amhara elites—having contributed to Abiy’s alienation from his Oromo base—have increasingly sought to displace him from power. At this political juncture, Abiy Ahmed faces a strategic choice: to align decisively with Amharanet or to realign with Oromummà. A dual posture is no longer viable. Ethiopia’s trajectory will move either toward continued Amharic dominance or toward Oromic-led transformation.
Linguistic Hierarchy and Federal Governance
The notion of linguistic parity at the federal level is largely illusory. No modern state operates with two equally dominant working languages. One language invariably assumes primacy. Historically, Amharic has occupied this position in Ethiopia. However, given demographic realities—specifically, the Oromo being the country’s largest ethno-linguistic group—Oromic is better positioned to serve as the principal federal working language.
Federal inter-regional communication should therefore transition from Amharic to Oromic. From a purely political standpoint, the survival of Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party (EPP) depends on regaining Oromo support. The most credible path toward this goal is the formal adoption of Oromic as Ethiopia’s primary working language, thereby dismantling Amharic’s long-standing privileged status.
Democracy, Language, and Power
It has been argued by some Oromo leaders, including Shimelis Abdissa, that Amharic is gradually losing influence while Oromic is gaining national prominence. Whether this trend will culminate in structural change remains uncertain. The critical question is whether the current ruling coalition is capable—or willing—to facilitate an Oromic-led Ethiopia.
In a genuinely free and democratic linguistic environment, Oromic possesses a decisive demographic advantage. Amharic’s continued dominance has historically depended on authoritarian state structures. This dynamic helps explain why many Amhara elites have tended to favor centralized or authoritarian governance. Oromic, by contrast, flourishes under democratic conditions. Consequently, a democratic Ethiopia is structurally inclined toward Oropia, whereas authoritarianism sustains Amapia.
The suppression of Oromo nationalists under the current administration serves the interests of neo-Naftagna forces. In this sense, contemporary Ethiopia remains closer to Amapia than to Oropia.
Historical Contestation within Oromo Elites
For nearly three millennia, Ethiopian history has reflected a persistent struggle between two Oromo elite orientations:
- Those seeking assimilation into, and service of, Abeshanet—particularly Amharanet;
- Those committed to preserving and advancing Oromummà.
This struggle has manifested through both military confrontation and cultural domination. For much of history, the assimilationist bloc prevailed. The political opening seven years ago appeared to signal a victory for the Oromummàcamp, but this outcome now appears illusory. The assimilationist current, presently embodied by Abiy Ahmed’s leadership, continues to dominate state power.
Strategic Phases of Oromo Political Struggle
Political strategy must be informed by timing. Oromo political actors, particularly pro-independence forces, must recognize three distinct phases of struggle:
- First Phase
A confrontation between Tigrayan hegemonic rule and three Oromo orientations—independence, federalism, and integration. Given the absence of democratic mechanisms, force became unavoidable.
- Second Phase (Current)
A contest between Amharanet unitarists and Oromo nationalists (federalists and independence advocates). Democratic tools such as dialogue and referendums remain viable, though coercion may re-emerge if unitarists reject peaceful processes. At this stage, Oromos must adopt a dual strategy (arrab-lame), supporting both federalism and independence.
- Third Phase (Future)
A final, intra-Oromo decision between independence, ethnic federation, or inclusive geo-federation. This phase must be resolved exclusively through democratic means. Here, political clarity (arrab-tokke) becomes essential. A consensual outcome favoring Orompia or Oropia appears most plausible.
Defining Allies and Adversaries
Political alignments are not permanent. Allies are those who advance Oromo national interests—chief among them the promotion of Oromic as the primary federal working language. Adversaries are those who oppose this objective.
At present, the principal obstacles are:
- Assimilationist Dergist elites,
- Hegemonist Woyane forces (TPLF),
The authoritarian orientation of the Prosperity Party.
Other actors become adversaries only when they reject democratic mechanisms such as consensus or referendums.
Conclusion: Language as Destiny
The transformation of Ethiopia into Oropia is inseparable from the elevation of Oromic to the status of the federation’s primary working language. This transformation cannot be achieved under the current political arrangement. It requires principled Oromo republican leadership committed to democracy, linguistic justice, and inclusive governance.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s historical legacy will ultimately depend on his choice. Should he continue to uphold Amharanet, he will be remembered as an adversary of Oromo aspirations—an echo of 19th-century imperialism in the 21st century. Should he instead embrace Oromummà and lead Ethiopia toward Oropia, he may yet be remembered as a transformative leader.
May Waaqaa guide the Oromo people toward wisdom, unity, and a just future.
Galatôma
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/07/1 ... oromummaa/