Transformation of the Oromo Liberation Front into the Oropian Leadership Force
By Fayyis Oromia*
The time has arrived for a strategic and conceptual transformation of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) into what may be termed the Oropian Leadership Force. The historic project of Oromo national liberation from external domination is nearing completion. What remains is the dismantling of the entrenched system of Amharic political and cultural dominance. Once this system is decisively overcome, and an Oromic-led ethnic federation (Orompia) or an Oromic-led geographical federation (Oropia) is established, the OLF must be prepared to assume a broader leadership role—one that encompasses the governance of the entire multinational state.
There is little doubt that Oromummà (Oromo ethnic nationalism) played a decisive role in mobilizing the Oromo people and advancing the liberation struggle. It was both necessary and effective in its historical context. However, the current political moment requires a reassessment of strategy. In the emerging post-liberation era, Ethiopiawinet (Ethiopian civic nationalism) can serve as a more effective instrument for inclusive political leadership at the state level. This shift explains why some Oromo nationalists who previously emphasized Oromummà now increasingly invoke Ethiopiawinet as a governing framework.
Nevertheless, a structural challenge persists. Many Oromo elites exhibit a commendable political sincerity that, paradoxically, places them at a disadvantage. They often articulate intentions transparently and act consistently with their rhetoric. By contrast, Amhara elites have long demonstrated political sophistication, characterized by strategic ambiguity and rhetorical flexibility—skills reinforced by their historical alignment with Western political norms. Oromo elites, therefore, tend to fall into one of two unproductive extremes: either they openly advocate Ethiopian unity and are labeled “Ethiopianists” (often functioning, in practice, as defenders of Amharic dominance), or they speak and act exclusively in defense of Oromia to validate their nationalist credentials. Neither approach is adequate for the present transitional period.
Advocating Ethiopian unity without confronting the structural dominance of Amharic language and culture effectively reproduces the imperial order—sometimes described as Amapia (an Amharic-dominated geo-federation). Conversely, an exclusively Oromia-centered discourse risks alienating other nations and nationalities, thereby undermining the prospects for cooperative federal leadership. Amhara elites, however, have historically mastered a more effective strategy: publicly championing Ethiopia while quietly safeguarding Amhara group interests.
Oromo elites must develop a comparable political sophistication—speaking the language of Ethiopian unity while actively advancing Oromo interests. This dual approach is essential if the Oromo are to lead the federation responsibly while securing their legitimate national rights.
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, and Oromo elites more broadly, would benefit from embracing a widely recognized political principle: articulate universal ideals, but pursue concrete national interests. This entails publicly endorsing democratic values while decisively protecting and promoting the Oromo’s core pillars—Àdà (culture), Afàn (language), and Àngô (political power)—within an Oromic-led federal structure. Political naivety must be avoided, particularly given the historical tendency of Abyssinian elites to exploit such openness. Their influence must be persistently checked and prevented from reasserting dominance over central state institutions, including the seat of power in Finfinne (Caffé Aràra).
Dr. Abiy’s initial promotion of Oro-garu-mara cooperation—among Oromo, Tegaru, and Amhara elites—may serve a useful moral and diplomatic function. However, in practice, governance must remain firmly anchored in Oromo national interests. At times, the Prime Minister appears more spiritually inclined than politically strategic. While spiritual leaders strive to align rhetoric with conduct, effective politicians often articulate ideals while pragmatically advancing interests.
The transformation of the EPRDF into the Prosperity Party (EPP) created an opportunity to move beyond the historically destructive triangular conflict among Oromo, Tegaru, and Amhara elites. The TPLF’s withdrawal from federal politics has weakened its role, though constructive Tegaru actors may yet re-emerge as partners in national reconciliation.
The Oromo struggle—guided by the OLF’s vision of bilisummà (freedom)—has achieved significant milestones. Historical alliances were instrumental: the Oro-garu alliance helped defeat the Amhara-led Derg, while the Oro-mara alliance was necessary to confront TPLF dominance. Today, Oromo elites inspired by the Gadà system seek to lead Ethiopia through principles of collective responsibility and shared progress, articulated under the concept of Medemer.
Initially, reform efforts under Dr. Abiy enjoyed broad support from Oromo, Tegaru, and Amhara constituencies. Tegaru elites misjudged his political independence, while Amhara elites projected conflicting expectations—ranging from the suppression of the OLF to the manipulation of Oromo leadership. Some continue to rely on destabilization and electoral subversion. Yet a fundamental reality is becoming unavoidable: Ethiopia’s political and economic future will be Oromic-led. Resistance to this reality explains ongoing efforts to derail the transition.
Neither the assimilative vision of the Amhara elite nor the exclusionary model advanced by segments of the Tegaru elite can be restored. The future lies in an inclusive, Oromic-led Ethiopia, grounded in multinational cooperation. Neither Oro-garu nor Oro-mara alliances alone are sufficient. Sustainable progress requires a triangular partnership (Oro-garu-mara) under Oromo leadership, extended to all nations and nationalities within the state.
Historically, the Ethiopian state emerged from an alliance between two Tulama Oromo figures: Emperor Menelik II, who became culturally Habeshanized, and General Gobana Dàcé, who did not. This alliance—later mythologized as Amhara-Oromo unity—was, in reality, deeply shaped by Oromo contributions. Many individuals now identified as Amhara descend from Oromo and Agaw populations who underwent linguistic, cultural, and religious assimilation.
The central failure of this historical alliance was the absence of a democratic and inclusive political framework. In retrospect, such a framework might have been articulated through what may be termed the FODOB principle:
F – Freedom from domination
O – Oromic as a federal working language
D – Democracy as the foundation of the union
O – “Oropia” as the name of the union
B – Black–Red–White as the Cushitic flag of the union
Today’s democratic era offers an opportunity to realize these principles. Doing so requires dismantling the remnants of domination sustained by authoritarian legacies. This task necessitates unity among Oromo constituencies—both Habeshanized and non-Habeshanized—alongside democratic forces from other nations.
At this juncture, Oro-garu-mara cooperation is indispensable for transforming Ethiopia—and potentially Africa—toward democracy and development. Oromo leadership must be marked by magnanimity rather than grievance, confidence rather than victimhood. The struggle has been largely won; the task now is constructive nation-building.
If the Oromo embrace this role, they can successfully guide a broad coalition for justice, equality, and shared prosperity. The Prosperity Party may serve as a vehicle for this vision, though skepticism remains regarding the willingness of entrenched elites to cooperate genuinely.
Hence, the guiding principle remains clear: Speak the language of universal values, but act decisively in defense of national interests. Speak Ethiopia—but walk Oropia.
May Wàqa guide the path forward.
Galatôma.
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/04/2 ... -interest/