No Hostile Abesha Political Force Should Be Permitted to Reclaim Control of Finfinne Palace
By Fayyis Oromia*
It is widely acknowledged that segments of the historical Naftegna, Shabiya, and Woyane political establishments have consistently acted in ways that undermine Oromo interests. Few Oromo scholars or politically informed citizens expect meaningful reform to emerge from these elite structures. Nevertheless, it is essential to distinguish between entrenched political elites and the broader Habesha populations—namely Amhara, Tigrayan, and Eritrean communities—who should not be collectively held responsible for the actions of ruling elites. Conflating the general public with hegemonic political actors obscures the true sources of political domination in Ethiopia.
Oromo political actors, particularly those critical of the current government, must exercise caution to avoid becoming instruments of political agendas that ultimately negate Oromo rights. Strategic priorities must be clearly defined. Historically, hegemonic northern elites have posed the most significant threat to Oromo self-determination, while the authoritarian tendencies of the current ruling party represent a serious but secondary challenge. Although the existing ruling structure requires reform or replacement, it must not be supplanted by another form of authoritarian rule rooted in Habesha elite dominance. The alternative must be democratic Oromo leadership.
Recent reports indicate that Oromo elites across government institutions, opposition parties, and armed movements are increasingly engaged in dialogue regarding the growing political threat posed by northern elite alliances. The emerging coordination among groups such as Fanno, Shabiya, and Woyane—and their apparent ambitions toward Finfinne—demands urgent and collective attention. Unity among Oromo political actors is therefore indispensable. Continued fragmentation among ruling-party elites, opposition groups, and armed movements serves only to weaken the broader Oromo cause.
Encouragingly, the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) have agreed to pursue the establishment of a Transitional Government of Oromia. Ideally, this initiative should be expanded to include the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and the Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP). Previous negotiations between the OLA and OPP reportedly collapsed over disagreements concerning the formation of an inclusive Oromia administration. However, the OLA’s demands were both legitimate and pragmatic. At this critical juncture, OPP elites must prioritize Oromo national interests over personal political ambitions.
The Oromo people stand at a decisive historical crossroads: continued division will result in failure, while unity offers the prospect of success. In the midst of an ongoing political, moral, and economic crisis, compromise and cooperation among Oromo nationalist forces are indispensable. Opponents of Oromo self-determination are actively attempting to reverse the significant gains achieved in recent decades. This moment therefore calls for renewed commitment to completing the struggle for full Oromo freedom.
Negotiations should continue toward the formation of a strong, inclusive Oromia government composed of the OFC, OLF, OLA, and OPP. Such a government could serve as a stabilizing pillar within a reformed federal system under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. In parallel, the Prime Minister must address longstanding Oromo demands, including the formal recognition of Oromic as a primary federal working language, the placement of Finfinne under Oromia’s administration, and the reintegration of historically Oromo territories—such as Wollo, including Rayya—into Oromia. Continued appeasement of Habesha elites who consistently undermine Oromo leadership holds no strategic value.
The initiatives undertaken by pro-Oromia republican elements within the OFC and OLF to establish a Transitional Government of Oromia are particularly noteworthy. Their vision of a democratic, federated Oropia—an Oromic-led geofederation—alongside a broader alliance that includes the OLF, ONLF, Agaw, Sidama, Qimant, and other nations, represents a promising path forward.
While it once appeared that the Ethiopian Prosperity Party (EPP) was nearing political collapse, the party extended its rule through political maneuvering and a non-competitive 2021 election. Meanwhile, Tigrayan elites have regained regional self-administration following a period of centralized rule. However, the events of 1991—when the TPLF seized control of Finfinne—must not be repeated. Political authority in Finfinne belongs to the Oromo people, as the city serves as the capital of both Oromia and Ethiopia.
The OFC and OLF must act decisively and strategically to advance Oromo self-determination. Both Amhara and Tigrayan elite structures must be held accountable within a democratic framework. Oromo officials within the ruling party should give way to genuine Oromo democratic republicans, not to individuals seeking personal advancement or renewed hegemonic dominance. Preventing any Habesha elite group from monopolizing power in Finfinne requires unity among Oromo nationalist forces.
A long-standing debate within Oromo political thought—between advocates of Ethiopian democratization and proponents of Oromian liberation—has contributed to deep internal divisions. In many cases, these factions have treated one another as adversaries, losing sight of the fundamental challenge: political elites who deny Oromo rights. Yet these objectives need not be mutually exclusive. Oromia’s liberation and Ethiopia’s democratization can advance simultaneously during the initial phase of political struggle.
Within the Oromo movement today, three principal ideological orientations exist: proponents of a democratic Ethiopian unity guided by Oromo values; advocates of genuine federal autonomy for Oromia; and supporters of full Oromian independence. Despite their differences, all three share a common objective: self-determination for the Oromo people. Opposition to self-determination, regardless of its source, is fundamentally anti-democratic.
The true conflict, therefore, is not among Oromo factions but between the Oromo people and those who deny their right to determine their political future. Unity among these ideological strands is essential during the first phase of the struggle. Once political freedom is secured, each vision—whether unity, federation, or independence—can be presented to the people through a democratic referendum.
A free and democratic Oromia, grounded in the principles of the Gadaa system, has the potential to serve as a model of participatory governance and regional stability. Finfinne, as a symbol of Oromo history and political identity, must reflect Oromo ownership and rights.
This is a moment of historical truth. Continued division will only enable others to exploit Oromo differences. Unity, grounded in democratic principles and a shared commitment to self-determination, offers the only viable path forward. The Oromo people must remain vigilant against co-optation by any elite group that treats their rights as negotiable.
Self-determination is not negotiable. Land, language, culture, and history constitute the collective inheritance of the Oromo people and must be protected through democratic means. The unity forged today will lay the foundation for a democratic, prosperous Oromia rooted in dignity, justice, and freedom.
Galatoma.
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2019/04/1 ... n-general/