Black and White Politics (Amharic-Domination vs Oromic-Leadership) in Ethiopian Orthodox Church!
Posted: 09 Nov 2025, 17:10
Black and White Politics (Amharic-Domination vs Oromic-Leadership) in Ethiopian Orthodox Church!
By Fayyis Oromia*
How remarkable it is to see pro-Amharic Orthodox adherents wearing black and pro-Oromic supporters wearing white, all in reaction to the decision to use Oromic as the working language for the clergy in Oromia. There is no grey area on this issue. Amharic has historically thrived at the expense of Oromic since the reign of Yekuno Amlak in 1270. The recent move to reverse this trend in Oromia marks a significant turning point—it is arguably the beginning of the end of Amharic’s dominance. At last, Oromic is finding liberation within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.
Unsurprisingly, this development is unwelcome (a merdo, or “very bad news”) for pro-Amharic elites, who have long hidden behind the dual masks of Ethiopiawinet and Orthodox Christianity. Now, pro-Oromic elites are reclaiming those concepts in Oromo terms—a smart political maneuver. It is no wonder that pro-Amharic elites are protesting in black while pro-Oromic supporters celebrate in white. Those wearing black today risk being seen as opponents of Oromic and could face serious political consequences in Oromia in the future. The next logical step is promoting Oromic as the primary working language in all federal institutions, replacing Amharic. By doing this and consolidating Angô Oromô (Oromo power) in the Finfinné Palace, the liberation of Oromic from the historical dominance of Amharic could be fully realized.
Two Political Camps: Amharanet vs Oromummà
Ethiopia’s political struggle is becoming increasingly clear. Two dominant ideological camps—Amharanet and Oromummà—are now rivals. Each has strong players and loyal supporters (tifozos). Interestingly, the Amaranet camp includes many non-Amharas who are even more dedicated to the cause than ethnic Amharas themselves. Conversely, many Oromos continue to support Amaranet at the expense of Oromummà. This is typical of colonized societies, where a segment develops a “scar” of colonization and adopts a subordinate mentality, serving their historical oppressors.
Even within the Oromummà camp, some members are confused and inadvertently harm the cause—what we might call scoring “own goals.” Examples include the imprisonment of Oromo nationalists like Jawar Mohammed and the shutdown of OMN, a historic Oromo media outlet. These actions by the Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP) under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed significantly undermined the Oromummà movement, effectively handing political victories to the Amaranet camp.
From 1270 to the present, Amaranet has largely defined Ethiopiawinet. This is why Amhara elites have successfully used the name Ethiopia to advance their interests, sometimes misleading non-Amhara elites into defending Amaranet under the guise of Ethiopian unity. The Oromo elites in the ruling party, led by Dr. Abiy, seem to fall into this category. They continue to uphold Amharic as the dominant federal language and reduce Oromic to a secondary status—betraying the Oromo struggle for linguistic and cultural equality.
The Path Forward: Federalism or Independence?
As long as federal institutions are dominated by Amharic and Ethiopia continues to be governed by Amaranet values, the Oromo majority will remain marginalized. This struggle will persist until we achieve either an independent Oromia, a federal Orompia (Oromia-led ethnic federation) , or an integrative Oropia (Oromummà-led geo-federation).
The Oromo movement has faced three main opponents:
- Assimilationist Amhara elites (defeated in 1991),
- Hegemonist Tigray elites (defeated in 2018), and
- Assimilated Oromo elites, who now control the Finfinné Palace.
These “Amharanized” Oromo elites represent the current challenge. From Emperor Menelik II to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Oromo leaders have often furthered Amaranet interests. Oromo artists, too, have contributed significantly to the growth of Amaranet. However, history will ultimately favor genuine Oromo nationalists—those committed to advancing Oromummà in Caffé Arat, in Finfinné, and across Ethiopia.
Toward a Lasting Solution
Ethiopia has been a country of conflict for nearly 3,000 years, and a lasting solution remains elusive. The Oromo and other Cushitic peoples have made efforts toward resolution, and there are now three main paths forward:
- Consensus: Political stakeholders could agree on one of the three major governance models—independence, federalism, or integration. Unfortunately, this has proven nearly impossible so far.
- Democracy: The public could decide through democratic means, such as referendums. This is the most viable solution if we are politically mature and committed to stability.
- Force: Historically, this has been the default method—an irresponsible and costly approach that often resets progress.
The Current Political Landscape
There are now four active political camps in Ethiopia:
- Hegemonists – formerly in power until 2018,
- Integrationists – advocating for geographic rather than ethnic federalism,
- Federalists – supporting a genuine ethnic federation,
- Independencists – aiming for independent national states like the Republic of Oromia.
A fifth group—the assimilationists—lost power in 1991 and are unlikely to return.
Three Phases of the Struggle Since 1991:
- Phase One: Pro-independence, pro-federalism, and pro-integration groups united to defeat hegemonists. The method was force, due to hegemonists’ resistance to dialogue or democracy.
- Phase Two: Pro-independence and pro-federalism groups vs integrationists. The methods are now either democracy or, regrettably, continued force. Integrationists are losing relevance.
- Phase Three: The upcoming contest between independencists and federalists. This phase should be decided through democracy (referendum), especially in regions like Oromia. Possible outcomes include an independent Oromia or a reformed, inclusive Ethiopian federation led by Oromummà.
A pragmatic middle ground might be an Oromian state within an Oropian union.
Let us now consolidate the gains of Phase Two—marginalize the hegemonists (TPLF), keep assimilationists out of power in Finfinne, and resolve the political conflict step by step. If the current Amharanized Oromo elites continue to prioritize Amaranet over Oromummà, another revolution led by genuine Oromo nationalists may become inevitable.
May Wàqa guide us.
Galatôma!
Read more:https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/02/0 ... ox-church/
By Fayyis Oromia*
How remarkable it is to see pro-Amharic Orthodox adherents wearing black and pro-Oromic supporters wearing white, all in reaction to the decision to use Oromic as the working language for the clergy in Oromia. There is no grey area on this issue. Amharic has historically thrived at the expense of Oromic since the reign of Yekuno Amlak in 1270. The recent move to reverse this trend in Oromia marks a significant turning point—it is arguably the beginning of the end of Amharic’s dominance. At last, Oromic is finding liberation within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.
Unsurprisingly, this development is unwelcome (a merdo, or “very bad news”) for pro-Amharic elites, who have long hidden behind the dual masks of Ethiopiawinet and Orthodox Christianity. Now, pro-Oromic elites are reclaiming those concepts in Oromo terms—a smart political maneuver. It is no wonder that pro-Amharic elites are protesting in black while pro-Oromic supporters celebrate in white. Those wearing black today risk being seen as opponents of Oromic and could face serious political consequences in Oromia in the future. The next logical step is promoting Oromic as the primary working language in all federal institutions, replacing Amharic. By doing this and consolidating Angô Oromô (Oromo power) in the Finfinné Palace, the liberation of Oromic from the historical dominance of Amharic could be fully realized.
Two Political Camps: Amharanet vs Oromummà
Ethiopia’s political struggle is becoming increasingly clear. Two dominant ideological camps—Amharanet and Oromummà—are now rivals. Each has strong players and loyal supporters (tifozos). Interestingly, the Amaranet camp includes many non-Amharas who are even more dedicated to the cause than ethnic Amharas themselves. Conversely, many Oromos continue to support Amaranet at the expense of Oromummà. This is typical of colonized societies, where a segment develops a “scar” of colonization and adopts a subordinate mentality, serving their historical oppressors.
Even within the Oromummà camp, some members are confused and inadvertently harm the cause—what we might call scoring “own goals.” Examples include the imprisonment of Oromo nationalists like Jawar Mohammed and the shutdown of OMN, a historic Oromo media outlet. These actions by the Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP) under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed significantly undermined the Oromummà movement, effectively handing political victories to the Amaranet camp.
From 1270 to the present, Amaranet has largely defined Ethiopiawinet. This is why Amhara elites have successfully used the name Ethiopia to advance their interests, sometimes misleading non-Amhara elites into defending Amaranet under the guise of Ethiopian unity. The Oromo elites in the ruling party, led by Dr. Abiy, seem to fall into this category. They continue to uphold Amharic as the dominant federal language and reduce Oromic to a secondary status—betraying the Oromo struggle for linguistic and cultural equality.
The Path Forward: Federalism or Independence?
As long as federal institutions are dominated by Amharic and Ethiopia continues to be governed by Amaranet values, the Oromo majority will remain marginalized. This struggle will persist until we achieve either an independent Oromia, a federal Orompia (Oromia-led ethnic federation) , or an integrative Oropia (Oromummà-led geo-federation).
The Oromo movement has faced three main opponents:
- Assimilationist Amhara elites (defeated in 1991),
- Hegemonist Tigray elites (defeated in 2018), and
- Assimilated Oromo elites, who now control the Finfinné Palace.
These “Amharanized” Oromo elites represent the current challenge. From Emperor Menelik II to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, Oromo leaders have often furthered Amaranet interests. Oromo artists, too, have contributed significantly to the growth of Amaranet. However, history will ultimately favor genuine Oromo nationalists—those committed to advancing Oromummà in Caffé Arat, in Finfinné, and across Ethiopia.
Toward a Lasting Solution
Ethiopia has been a country of conflict for nearly 3,000 years, and a lasting solution remains elusive. The Oromo and other Cushitic peoples have made efforts toward resolution, and there are now three main paths forward:
- Consensus: Political stakeholders could agree on one of the three major governance models—independence, federalism, or integration. Unfortunately, this has proven nearly impossible so far.
- Democracy: The public could decide through democratic means, such as referendums. This is the most viable solution if we are politically mature and committed to stability.
- Force: Historically, this has been the default method—an irresponsible and costly approach that often resets progress.
The Current Political Landscape
There are now four active political camps in Ethiopia:
- Hegemonists – formerly in power until 2018,
- Integrationists – advocating for geographic rather than ethnic federalism,
- Federalists – supporting a genuine ethnic federation,
- Independencists – aiming for independent national states like the Republic of Oromia.
A fifth group—the assimilationists—lost power in 1991 and are unlikely to return.
Three Phases of the Struggle Since 1991:
- Phase One: Pro-independence, pro-federalism, and pro-integration groups united to defeat hegemonists. The method was force, due to hegemonists’ resistance to dialogue or democracy.
- Phase Two: Pro-independence and pro-federalism groups vs integrationists. The methods are now either democracy or, regrettably, continued force. Integrationists are losing relevance.
- Phase Three: The upcoming contest between independencists and federalists. This phase should be decided through democracy (referendum), especially in regions like Oromia. Possible outcomes include an independent Oromia or a reformed, inclusive Ethiopian federation led by Oromummà.
A pragmatic middle ground might be an Oromian state within an Oropian union.
Let us now consolidate the gains of Phase Two—marginalize the hegemonists (TPLF), keep assimilationists out of power in Finfinne, and resolve the political conflict step by step. If the current Amharanized Oromo elites continue to prioritize Amaranet over Oromummà, another revolution led by genuine Oromo nationalists may become inevitable.
May Wàqa guide us.
Galatôma!
Read more:https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/02/0 ... ox-church/