Oromo-Specific Goal: Oromic as the Primary Working Language of Ethiopia!
Posted: 08 Nov 2025, 05:08
Oromo-Specific Goal: Oromic as the Primary Working Language of Ethiopia!
By Fayyis Oromia*
The Oromo once envisioned an independent Oromia due to our low confidence during the dark era of oppression. Over time, we shifted towards supporting a democratic federal Orompia (Oromummà-led ethnic federation) after developing a moderate level of confidence to lead Ethiopia as a whole. Surely, in the future, as our confidence grows, we may even transcend the idea of borders entirely—because a democratic Ethiopia will ultimately become a de facto Oropia (an Oromic-led, inclusive, and diverse geo-federation of Ethiopia). The essential precondition for this transformation is the promotion of Oromic to become the primary working language of Ethiopia, replacing Amharic. For this reason, Oromo republicans must take power in the Finfinne palace and implement this linguistic transition.
It is increasingly clear that elites from the Amhara and Oromo communities are competing for leadership and influence in Finfinné. What remains unclear is Dr. Abiy’s stance in this power struggle. So far, he has upheld the dominance of Amharic, often at the expense of Oromic. This is why he has lost the support of the Oromo majority—especially the youth movement known as Qérrô. Recognizing this shift, [ deleted ] Amhara elites—who have alienated him from his Oromo base—are now trying to remove him from power. At this crossroads, Dr. Abiy has two choices: align with Amharanet, or return to Oromummà. He cannot straddle both sides. Ethiopia’s future lies either in continued Amharic dominance or in the emergence of Oromic leadership.
We must abandon the illusion of linguistic parity. There cannot be two equally dominant federal languages. One must take precedence. Until now, Amharic has held this privileged position, but Oromic, as the language of Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, deserves to be the leading working language. Inter-regional communication at the federal level should occur in Oromic, replacing Amharic. For Dr. Abiy and his party (EPP) to survive politically, they must secure Oromo support. The only viable path is to promote Oromic to the nation’s primary language, ending the historical dominance of Amharic.
I once listened to a confidential speech by Shimelis Abdissa. He made an intriguing point: Amharic is losing ground, while Oromic is gaining influence across the country. But is that really true? Can Abiy Ahmed’s EPP deliver an Ethiopia led by Oromic? If so, then he and I share the same vision. But I have doubts. Abiy remains under the strong influence of neo-Naftagna elites and seems comfortable preserving Amharic and Amharanet dominance. An Ethiopia dominated by Amharic is essentially Amapia, while my vision—Oropia—is in direct contrast.
In a free and democratic linguistic competition, Oromic has the demographic advantage. Amharic can only maintain its dominance under authoritarian rule. That’s why many Amhara elites tend to favor dictatorship. On the other hand, Oromic thrives under democracy, as it allows for its rightful promotion to the top. Therefore, a democratic Ethiopia is bound to become Oropia, while a dictatorship serves to keep Ethiopia as Amapia. Abiy’s authoritarian crackdown on genuine Oromo nationalists serves the interests of neo-Naftagna forces. Thus, today’s Ethiopia under Abiy is Amapia; my vision of Ethiopia is Oropia.
Historically, Ethiopia has been a battlefield between two Oromo elite blocs for nearly 3,000 years:
- Those who sought assimilation into and service of Abeshanet, particularly Amharanet,
- Those who aimed to preserve and develop Oromummà.
This ideological and political struggle has taken military and cultural forms. Unfortunately, the Amharanet bloc has dominated for much of history. Seven years ago, it seemed like the Oromummà camp had finally triumphed—but that victory now appears to have been a mirage. The Amharanet bloc, now led by Abiy Ahmed, still holds the reins of power.
Abiy once told parliament he fought for the freedom of the Oromo people. But is that true? Can one serve two opposing masters? It appears he now serves the Amharanet bloc at the expense of Oromummà. He is maintaining Amharanet’s dominance, which explains his delay in promoting Oromic to a federal working language. Abiy faces a critical decision: continue serving Amharanet and be remembered as a foe of the Oromo, or correct his course and serve Oromummà to be remembered as a friend.
In politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests. So, who are our friends and foes? Anyone who promotes Oromo national interests, i.e mainly promoting Oromic as a primary working language of the federation, is our friend; those who oppose them are our foes. Our national interest lies in achieving freedom, sovereignty, peace, prosperity, and security. Thus, our list of allies and adversaries changes over time depending on circumstances.
Timing is everything, particularly for pro-independence Oromos. Based on timing, we must know when to be:
- Arrab-sade (triple-tongued) – at the first phase of struggle,
- Arrab-lame (double-tongued) – at the second phase,
- Arrab-tokke (single-tongued) – at the final phase.
Let me outline these three strategic phases:
First Station
The struggle was between the Tigrayan hegemonist front and three Oromo factions:
– Pro-independence (pro Oromia)
– Pro-federalism (pro Orompia)
– Pro-integration (pro Oropia)
Thus, it was three versus one. Here, only force could solve the conflict, as the TPLF refused consensus or democratic means like referendums.
Second Station (Now)
The conflict is between pro-amaranet unitarists (pro-integration) and nationalists (pro-federalism and pro-independence)—two against one. Here, democracy or consensus is still an option, though force remains a possible method if unitarists resist democratic mechanisms. Thus, Oromos must be arrab-lame, advocating both independence and federalism.
Third Station (Future)
After overcoming pro-amaranet unitarists, we will face the final decision: independence or federation. This one-on-one conflict must be resolved democratically—by consensus or referendum, not force. At that point, we become arrab-tokke, choosing one clear direction: either Oromia, Orompia, or Oropia. A consensus on Orompia seems likely.
Given this framework, it’s wrong for pro-independence Oromos to label federalists or even integrationists as permanent enemies. Our true enemies today are:
– Assimilationist Dergists (some Amhara elites)
– Hegemonist Woyanites (TPLF)
– Dictatorial Prosperity Party (PP)
Pro-Amaranet unitarists become our adversaries only if they reject consensus or referendums in favor of force. Similarly, federalists become our opponents in the third phase only if they also reject peaceful resolution.
So, let’s apply the right timing when defining friend and foe. Yesterday’s struggle was: freedom vs. fascism. Today’s is: multinational federalism vs. multi-regional unitarism. Tomorrow’s will be: Oromia vs. Orompia vs. Oropia.
My personal choice is: Oropia. May Waaqa guide us to choose what’s best for the Oromo people. Abiy’s historical legacy depends on the path he chooses today: serve Amharanet and be remembered as an enemy of the Oromo, or serve Oromummà and be remembered as a friend. If he maintains Ethiopia as Amapia, he is merely the Menelik of the 21st century. But if he leads Ethiopia toward Oropia, he will be a hero in the eyes of all Oromos.
To transform Ethiopia into Oropia, it is mandatory to elevate Oromic as the primary working language of the federation, replacing Amharic. This mission will not be fulfilled by Abiy’s Prosperity Party—but by true Oromo republicans.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/07/1 ... oromummaa/
By Fayyis Oromia*
The Oromo once envisioned an independent Oromia due to our low confidence during the dark era of oppression. Over time, we shifted towards supporting a democratic federal Orompia (Oromummà-led ethnic federation) after developing a moderate level of confidence to lead Ethiopia as a whole. Surely, in the future, as our confidence grows, we may even transcend the idea of borders entirely—because a democratic Ethiopia will ultimately become a de facto Oropia (an Oromic-led, inclusive, and diverse geo-federation of Ethiopia). The essential precondition for this transformation is the promotion of Oromic to become the primary working language of Ethiopia, replacing Amharic. For this reason, Oromo republicans must take power in the Finfinne palace and implement this linguistic transition.
It is increasingly clear that elites from the Amhara and Oromo communities are competing for leadership and influence in Finfinné. What remains unclear is Dr. Abiy’s stance in this power struggle. So far, he has upheld the dominance of Amharic, often at the expense of Oromic. This is why he has lost the support of the Oromo majority—especially the youth movement known as Qérrô. Recognizing this shift, [ deleted ] Amhara elites—who have alienated him from his Oromo base—are now trying to remove him from power. At this crossroads, Dr. Abiy has two choices: align with Amharanet, or return to Oromummà. He cannot straddle both sides. Ethiopia’s future lies either in continued Amharic dominance or in the emergence of Oromic leadership.
We must abandon the illusion of linguistic parity. There cannot be two equally dominant federal languages. One must take precedence. Until now, Amharic has held this privileged position, but Oromic, as the language of Ethiopia’s largest ethnic group, deserves to be the leading working language. Inter-regional communication at the federal level should occur in Oromic, replacing Amharic. For Dr. Abiy and his party (EPP) to survive politically, they must secure Oromo support. The only viable path is to promote Oromic to the nation’s primary language, ending the historical dominance of Amharic.
I once listened to a confidential speech by Shimelis Abdissa. He made an intriguing point: Amharic is losing ground, while Oromic is gaining influence across the country. But is that really true? Can Abiy Ahmed’s EPP deliver an Ethiopia led by Oromic? If so, then he and I share the same vision. But I have doubts. Abiy remains under the strong influence of neo-Naftagna elites and seems comfortable preserving Amharic and Amharanet dominance. An Ethiopia dominated by Amharic is essentially Amapia, while my vision—Oropia—is in direct contrast.
In a free and democratic linguistic competition, Oromic has the demographic advantage. Amharic can only maintain its dominance under authoritarian rule. That’s why many Amhara elites tend to favor dictatorship. On the other hand, Oromic thrives under democracy, as it allows for its rightful promotion to the top. Therefore, a democratic Ethiopia is bound to become Oropia, while a dictatorship serves to keep Ethiopia as Amapia. Abiy’s authoritarian crackdown on genuine Oromo nationalists serves the interests of neo-Naftagna forces. Thus, today’s Ethiopia under Abiy is Amapia; my vision of Ethiopia is Oropia.
Historically, Ethiopia has been a battlefield between two Oromo elite blocs for nearly 3,000 years:
- Those who sought assimilation into and service of Abeshanet, particularly Amharanet,
- Those who aimed to preserve and develop Oromummà.
This ideological and political struggle has taken military and cultural forms. Unfortunately, the Amharanet bloc has dominated for much of history. Seven years ago, it seemed like the Oromummà camp had finally triumphed—but that victory now appears to have been a mirage. The Amharanet bloc, now led by Abiy Ahmed, still holds the reins of power.
Abiy once told parliament he fought for the freedom of the Oromo people. But is that true? Can one serve two opposing masters? It appears he now serves the Amharanet bloc at the expense of Oromummà. He is maintaining Amharanet’s dominance, which explains his delay in promoting Oromic to a federal working language. Abiy faces a critical decision: continue serving Amharanet and be remembered as a foe of the Oromo, or correct his course and serve Oromummà to be remembered as a friend.
In politics, there are no permanent friends or enemies—only permanent interests. So, who are our friends and foes? Anyone who promotes Oromo national interests, i.e mainly promoting Oromic as a primary working language of the federation, is our friend; those who oppose them are our foes. Our national interest lies in achieving freedom, sovereignty, peace, prosperity, and security. Thus, our list of allies and adversaries changes over time depending on circumstances.
Timing is everything, particularly for pro-independence Oromos. Based on timing, we must know when to be:
- Arrab-sade (triple-tongued) – at the first phase of struggle,
- Arrab-lame (double-tongued) – at the second phase,
- Arrab-tokke (single-tongued) – at the final phase.
Let me outline these three strategic phases:
First Station
The struggle was between the Tigrayan hegemonist front and three Oromo factions:
– Pro-independence (pro Oromia)
– Pro-federalism (pro Orompia)
– Pro-integration (pro Oropia)
Thus, it was three versus one. Here, only force could solve the conflict, as the TPLF refused consensus or democratic means like referendums.
Second Station (Now)
The conflict is between pro-amaranet unitarists (pro-integration) and nationalists (pro-federalism and pro-independence)—two against one. Here, democracy or consensus is still an option, though force remains a possible method if unitarists resist democratic mechanisms. Thus, Oromos must be arrab-lame, advocating both independence and federalism.
Third Station (Future)
After overcoming pro-amaranet unitarists, we will face the final decision: independence or federation. This one-on-one conflict must be resolved democratically—by consensus or referendum, not force. At that point, we become arrab-tokke, choosing one clear direction: either Oromia, Orompia, or Oropia. A consensus on Orompia seems likely.
Given this framework, it’s wrong for pro-independence Oromos to label federalists or even integrationists as permanent enemies. Our true enemies today are:
– Assimilationist Dergists (some Amhara elites)
– Hegemonist Woyanites (TPLF)
– Dictatorial Prosperity Party (PP)
Pro-Amaranet unitarists become our adversaries only if they reject consensus or referendums in favor of force. Similarly, federalists become our opponents in the third phase only if they also reject peaceful resolution.
So, let’s apply the right timing when defining friend and foe. Yesterday’s struggle was: freedom vs. fascism. Today’s is: multinational federalism vs. multi-regional unitarism. Tomorrow’s will be: Oromia vs. Orompia vs. Oropia.
My personal choice is: Oropia. May Waaqa guide us to choose what’s best for the Oromo people. Abiy’s historical legacy depends on the path he chooses today: serve Amharanet and be remembered as an enemy of the Oromo, or serve Oromummà and be remembered as a friend. If he maintains Ethiopia as Amapia, he is merely the Menelik of the 21st century. But if he leads Ethiopia toward Oropia, he will be a hero in the eyes of all Oromos.
To transform Ethiopia into Oropia, it is mandatory to elevate Oromic as the primary working language of the federation, replacing Amharic. This mission will not be fulfilled by Abiy’s Prosperity Party—but by true Oromo republicans.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/07/1 ... oromummaa/