Is Dr. Abiy Ahmed Despising the Oromo Just Like Dagimawi Menelik Did?
Posted: 08 Nov 2025, 01:35
Is Dr. Abiy Ahmed Despising the Oromo Just Like Dagimawi Menelik Did?
By Fayyis Oromia*
Today, a significant debate is taking place within the Oromo community about Emperor Menelik. Was he a hero or a colonizer? Was he Oromo by origin? I have addressed these questions in my previous articles. Based on my study of Ethiopian and Oromo history, I have concluded that all Habeshas are fundamentally of Agaw or Oromo origin. In particular, most of the monarchs who ruled from the time of Yekuno Amlak to Haile Selassie were essentially Amharanized Oromos. Menelik also fits into this category.
However, there is no doubt that Menelik was a brutal ruler who despised the Oromo. His most damaging mistake was marginalizing Oromic and elevating Amharic, turning the state into an oppressive force against the Oromo people. Today, we see a similar pattern with Dr. Abiy Ahmed — what I call the “Salisawi Menelik” (the Third Menelik). Biologically, both Menelik and Abiy are Oromo, yet psychologically and politically, they align themselves with an Amhara-centered Ethiopia — or Amapia — rather than building a more inclusive Oropia, an Ethiopia rooted in Oromummà.
It’s not surprising, then, to see Salisawi Menelik (Abiy) celebrating Dagimawi Menelik (Menelik II), despite the latter’s well-documented atrocities against the Oromo. Just as modern Germans do not identify with Hitler, the Oromo have every right to reject Menelik, regardless of his ethnic origin.
Years ago, Hermann Cohn diagnosed a psychological condition among Oromo elites — a tendency to revere Amhara rulers and culture while disregarding their own heritage. This condition, now known as the Menelik Syndrome, continues to plague Oromo leadership. For nearly 3,000 years, Oromo rulers have marginalized their own language in favor of Ge’ez and Amharic. The dominance of these languages began with the translation of religious texts into Ge’ez and the subsequent association of this language with divine worship. Naturally, people came to value and respect these languages over Oromic.
This reverence gave Amharic an unfair advantage over Oromic, leading Oromo elites to learn Amharic and neglect their mother tongue. This process of Ge’ezization and Amharanization continued until the emergence of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) about 50 years ago. The OLF actively worked to reverse this trend, encouraging the Oromo people to take pride in their language and identity. Today, there is a growing appreciation for Oromic, but our political leaders — including Dr. Abiy — continue to repeat the mistakes of their predecessors: promoting Amharic at the expense of Oromic.
This issue must become our primary agenda. The future of Ethiopia must be built on a foundation where Oromic is the primary federal working language. It should be the language of the palace, the parliament, the courts, and all major federal institutions. Other matters must be considered secondary. Every Oromo national should rally around this cause.
The Oromo are now free from both assimilative Amhara elites and hegemonistic Tigrayan elites. However, the Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP) continues to delay addressing key Oromo issues, overly cautious not to upset its Abyssinian allies in the Amhara Prosperity Party (APP) and TPLF. Our long-standing demand for bilisummà (freedom) has largely been addressed. Now our central task is the promotion of Oromic as the primary working language of the federal state.
There is no logical or justifiable reason to delay this. We can even consider a geo-federal arrangement, in which Finfinné remains the capital of Ethiopia, not necessarily within Oromia. The national flag can continue to be green-gold-red, and the country can still be called Ethiopia. As long as Oromic becomes the federal working language, Ethiopia will, in effect, become de facto Oromia.
The Oromo should not only focus on self-rule within Oromia; we can lead the federal system and even offer others autonomy or independence. We need to consolidate Oromo power in the national palace (Cafe Aràrà) and elevate Oromic to its rightful federal status.
The Old Debate: Ethiopian Democratization vs. Oromian Decolonization
I first entered the cyber discourse during the late 1990s, when I witnessed a heated debate within the Oromo liberation movement: Should our goal be democratizing Ethiopia or decolonizing Oromia? This issue came to a head at the OSA conference around 1999, where Ob. Sisay Ibsa and others (pro-decolonization) argued against Ob. Léncô Latà and others (pro-democratization).
At the time, I asked myself: are these two camps truly contradictory?
I sought to adopt a neutral and analytical perspective. I participated in discussions and email exchanges, trying to bridge the divide. These conversations led to the creation of ULFO, support for AFD, and later OFC and Medrek. I supported these initiatives because I believed — and still believe — in the power of unity, coalition-building, and strategic cooperation.
From a young age, I experienced firsthand the challenges Oromo people face. Members of my own family were involved in various movements — MEISON, ICHAT, and OLF. I saw how many sacrificed their lives and livelihoods for Oromo freedom. I also witnessed, with deep disappointment, how some Oromo individuals became tools for enemy regimes like the Derg and TPLF, betraying their own people’s struggle.
A major obstacle has been division among Oromo nationalists, often over perceived ideological differences. These differences have been manipulated by adversaries to weaken our movement. The so-called contradiction between “pro-Ethiopian democratization” and “pro-Oromian decolonization” has been exaggerated. In truth, these approaches are complementary, not contradictory.
The Oromo people have one overarching goal, which can be expressed in three components:
- Strategic Goal: Regional integration of free nations for mutual benefit.
- Core Goal: Full Oromia independence.
- Tactical Goal: Democratization of Ethiopia as a path to genuine Oromo autonomy.
This framework does not require a paradigm shift, as some suggest. Instead, it demands a strategic shift in tactics. The key instrument for achieving our goals is Oromo unity — not passive or symbolic unity, but dynamic and functional unity.
One prominent Oromo supporter, Professor Megalommatis, once opposed my unity advocacy, arguing that dynamicsmatter more than unity in the current geopolitical reality. He warned that world powers and their regional allies like the TPLF will always seek to sabotage Oromo unity. I respect his perspective and found his analysis eye-opening. But I still maintain that unity, if strategic and action-oriented, is a strength — not a weakness.
Despite global interference and regional manipulation, we must persist in building a united Oromo front. Initiatives like ULFO, OFC, PAFD, and Medrek were steps in the right direction. They countered the divide-and-rule strategies of regimes like the TPLF and promoted collaboration among oppressed nations.
Conclusion: After Freedom, the Language Struggle Remains
Now that the question of Oromo freedom is largely resolved, our next battle must be for linguistic justice. We must establish Oromic as the primary federal working language, with Amharic as secondary based on demographics. No cause is more urgent for Oromo nationalists today. Everything else is subordinate to this objective.
May Waqa bless Oromia and the Oromo nation in this next chapter of our struggle.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/06/2 ... amharinya/
By Fayyis Oromia*
Today, a significant debate is taking place within the Oromo community about Emperor Menelik. Was he a hero or a colonizer? Was he Oromo by origin? I have addressed these questions in my previous articles. Based on my study of Ethiopian and Oromo history, I have concluded that all Habeshas are fundamentally of Agaw or Oromo origin. In particular, most of the monarchs who ruled from the time of Yekuno Amlak to Haile Selassie were essentially Amharanized Oromos. Menelik also fits into this category.
However, there is no doubt that Menelik was a brutal ruler who despised the Oromo. His most damaging mistake was marginalizing Oromic and elevating Amharic, turning the state into an oppressive force against the Oromo people. Today, we see a similar pattern with Dr. Abiy Ahmed — what I call the “Salisawi Menelik” (the Third Menelik). Biologically, both Menelik and Abiy are Oromo, yet psychologically and politically, they align themselves with an Amhara-centered Ethiopia — or Amapia — rather than building a more inclusive Oropia, an Ethiopia rooted in Oromummà.
It’s not surprising, then, to see Salisawi Menelik (Abiy) celebrating Dagimawi Menelik (Menelik II), despite the latter’s well-documented atrocities against the Oromo. Just as modern Germans do not identify with Hitler, the Oromo have every right to reject Menelik, regardless of his ethnic origin.
Years ago, Hermann Cohn diagnosed a psychological condition among Oromo elites — a tendency to revere Amhara rulers and culture while disregarding their own heritage. This condition, now known as the Menelik Syndrome, continues to plague Oromo leadership. For nearly 3,000 years, Oromo rulers have marginalized their own language in favor of Ge’ez and Amharic. The dominance of these languages began with the translation of religious texts into Ge’ez and the subsequent association of this language with divine worship. Naturally, people came to value and respect these languages over Oromic.
This reverence gave Amharic an unfair advantage over Oromic, leading Oromo elites to learn Amharic and neglect their mother tongue. This process of Ge’ezization and Amharanization continued until the emergence of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) about 50 years ago. The OLF actively worked to reverse this trend, encouraging the Oromo people to take pride in their language and identity. Today, there is a growing appreciation for Oromic, but our political leaders — including Dr. Abiy — continue to repeat the mistakes of their predecessors: promoting Amharic at the expense of Oromic.
This issue must become our primary agenda. The future of Ethiopia must be built on a foundation where Oromic is the primary federal working language. It should be the language of the palace, the parliament, the courts, and all major federal institutions. Other matters must be considered secondary. Every Oromo national should rally around this cause.
The Oromo are now free from both assimilative Amhara elites and hegemonistic Tigrayan elites. However, the Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP) continues to delay addressing key Oromo issues, overly cautious not to upset its Abyssinian allies in the Amhara Prosperity Party (APP) and TPLF. Our long-standing demand for bilisummà (freedom) has largely been addressed. Now our central task is the promotion of Oromic as the primary working language of the federal state.
There is no logical or justifiable reason to delay this. We can even consider a geo-federal arrangement, in which Finfinné remains the capital of Ethiopia, not necessarily within Oromia. The national flag can continue to be green-gold-red, and the country can still be called Ethiopia. As long as Oromic becomes the federal working language, Ethiopia will, in effect, become de facto Oromia.
The Oromo should not only focus on self-rule within Oromia; we can lead the federal system and even offer others autonomy or independence. We need to consolidate Oromo power in the national palace (Cafe Aràrà) and elevate Oromic to its rightful federal status.
The Old Debate: Ethiopian Democratization vs. Oromian Decolonization
I first entered the cyber discourse during the late 1990s, when I witnessed a heated debate within the Oromo liberation movement: Should our goal be democratizing Ethiopia or decolonizing Oromia? This issue came to a head at the OSA conference around 1999, where Ob. Sisay Ibsa and others (pro-decolonization) argued against Ob. Léncô Latà and others (pro-democratization).
At the time, I asked myself: are these two camps truly contradictory?
I sought to adopt a neutral and analytical perspective. I participated in discussions and email exchanges, trying to bridge the divide. These conversations led to the creation of ULFO, support for AFD, and later OFC and Medrek. I supported these initiatives because I believed — and still believe — in the power of unity, coalition-building, and strategic cooperation.
From a young age, I experienced firsthand the challenges Oromo people face. Members of my own family were involved in various movements — MEISON, ICHAT, and OLF. I saw how many sacrificed their lives and livelihoods for Oromo freedom. I also witnessed, with deep disappointment, how some Oromo individuals became tools for enemy regimes like the Derg and TPLF, betraying their own people’s struggle.
A major obstacle has been division among Oromo nationalists, often over perceived ideological differences. These differences have been manipulated by adversaries to weaken our movement. The so-called contradiction between “pro-Ethiopian democratization” and “pro-Oromian decolonization” has been exaggerated. In truth, these approaches are complementary, not contradictory.
The Oromo people have one overarching goal, which can be expressed in three components:
- Strategic Goal: Regional integration of free nations for mutual benefit.
- Core Goal: Full Oromia independence.
- Tactical Goal: Democratization of Ethiopia as a path to genuine Oromo autonomy.
This framework does not require a paradigm shift, as some suggest. Instead, it demands a strategic shift in tactics. The key instrument for achieving our goals is Oromo unity — not passive or symbolic unity, but dynamic and functional unity.
One prominent Oromo supporter, Professor Megalommatis, once opposed my unity advocacy, arguing that dynamicsmatter more than unity in the current geopolitical reality. He warned that world powers and their regional allies like the TPLF will always seek to sabotage Oromo unity. I respect his perspective and found his analysis eye-opening. But I still maintain that unity, if strategic and action-oriented, is a strength — not a weakness.
Despite global interference and regional manipulation, we must persist in building a united Oromo front. Initiatives like ULFO, OFC, PAFD, and Medrek were steps in the right direction. They countered the divide-and-rule strategies of regimes like the TPLF and promoted collaboration among oppressed nations.
Conclusion: After Freedom, the Language Struggle Remains
Now that the question of Oromo freedom is largely resolved, our next battle must be for linguistic justice. We must establish Oromic as the primary federal working language, with Amharic as secondary based on demographics. No cause is more urgent for Oromo nationalists today. Everything else is subordinate to this objective.
May Waqa bless Oromia and the Oromo nation in this next chapter of our struggle.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/06/2 ... amharinya/