Fanno as Dagimawi ANDM and OLA as Dagimawi OPDO to Be Used as Trojan Horses of Shabiya and Woyane?
By Fayyis Oromia*
It feels as though we are witnessing a déjà vu of 1991. Once again, Shabiya and Woyane appear to be cooperating against the regime in Finfinne, and they are now seeking Neo-ANDM and Neo-OPDO figures to serve as Trojan horses—vehicles through which they hope to mobilize Amhara and Oromo youth to their side.
Hopefully, Fanno and OLA will not fill this void. That is why I dare to advise Amhara and Oromo elites to take heed before they are once again manipulated by these well-experienced, [ deleted ] northern wolves. If they facilitate the return of both Shabiya and Woyane—just because they despise the foolish and oppressive regime of Abiy Ahmed and his Prosperity Party—they will surely regret it bitterly in the near future.
There’s no doubt that Dr. Abiy Ahmed has long functioned as a horse of Amharanet, actively working to suppress Oromummà. His decision to maintain Amharic dominance at the federal level—rather than elevate Oromic to its rightful and legitimate status—is a clear testament to that. Pro-Amharic-domination elites continue to ride the Prime Minister to further their political agenda.
What remains uncertain, however, is whether Jawar Mohammed is yet another horse for these same elites—or if he is a strategic hero attempting to ride and outmaneuver them. Today, the Oromo public is deeply divided: anti-Abiy vs. pro-Abiy, anti-Jawar vs. pro-Jawar. So I dare to ask: are these two Oromo figures integrators or polarizers of the Oromo nation?
Abiy Ahmed: Integrator or Divider?
Let’s begin with the Prime Minister. In a speech given in Ambo, Dr. Abiy praised both major strands of Oromo historical identity: those aligned with Oromianism and those aligned with Ethiopianism (or what some call Oropianism). He mentioned Oromianist figures like Mamo Mezemer and Alemu Qixessa, who fought for the freedom and sovereignty of Oromia, alongside Oropianist/Ethiopianist figures like H/Giorgis Dinagde and Laureate Tsegaye G/Medhin, who struggled for Ethiopian unity.
To this day, Oromo elites have failed to reconcile these two strands of Oromo history. Some in the OLF acknowledge only the Oromianists and dismiss the Oropianists, while many in the OPP do the reverse. Abiy’s rhetorical recognition of both seems integrative on the surface. But in reality, his leadership over the past seven years has polarized Oromo nationalists into two camps: anti-Abiy republicans and pro-Abiy Prosperitans.
Now, the Prime Minister stands at a crossroads. Will he further divide the Oromo political space, or work to reintegrate it? His choice will define how future generations remember him: as a unifier or as a divider. If he seeks to unify, he must immediately release all Oromo political prisoners and pursue real consensus with the OLF and OFC. If not, he will continue relying on a small Oromo base while alienating the broader Oromo majority—risking his legacy as a quisling in Oromo history. The ball is in his court.
A Question of Timing: Dismantling or Accelerating?
Abiy’s ambition to undermine ethnofederalism in favor of a centralized, pan-Ethiopian federalism may be premature. While such a vision could be seen as farsighted, it ignores the current fragile state of Oromo confidence and security.
In the past, the idea of an independent Oromia offered hope in a time of marginalization. Today, ethnofederalism remains a necessary transitional phase—because Oromummà is still subordinated by Amharanet, and Oromic is still marginalized by Amharic.
A future integrative Ethiopian federalism is only viable if Oromummà plays a central role. But is Abiy building this vision or dismantling what the Oromo have already achieved?
I would argue: today is better than yesterday, but Amharanet continues to dominate under the Abiy administration. Though Oromo and Amhara elites now share power, Oromummà is not yet in the driver’s seat.
A Future Oromo Leadership: Between Oromia and Ethiopia
The long-term Oromo vision could go in two directions:
- To lead Ethiopia
- To liberate Oromia
The first requires transforming Ethiopianness so that Oromummà is central and Amharanet secondary. This is not only legitimate but necessary, given the Oromo’s status as the largest nation in the country.
Such leadership must elevate:
- Àdà Oromo (Oromo culture)
- Afàn Oromo (language)
- Àngô Oromo (political will)
The OPP currently lacks the courage to do this. A future Oromo Republican Party (ORP)—perhaps a unification of OLA, OLF, and OFC—could provide the leadership Oromia needs to either lead Ethiopia or stand independently within a Cushitic federation.
Now is the moment for the Oromo—and all oppressed nations in Ethiopia, including Amhara and Tigray masses—to say together: Oromai (it is over). We are on the cusp of ending a centuries-old system of domination, and building a new era of liberty, self-rule, and multinational democracy.
Decolonization Before Democratization
Despite the fall of TPLF and the weakening of Amhara elite dominance, Amharic and Amharanet still prevail in Finfinne, in Caffé Ararà Palace, and across Ethiopia.
Let’s remember: Menelik, Haile Selassie, Teferi Banti, Mengistu, and Meles were all Oromos by background—but they ruled under the ideology of Amharanet. What then makes Abiy Ahmed different?
Years ago, a blogger floated the idea of an “Oromo Obama: The Audacity to Reinvent Ethiopia.” He imagined an Oromo democratizing Ethiopia—but framed it as an either–or between democratization and decolonization. A brilliant response on Gadaa.com challenged this binary, arguing that decolonizing Oromia and democratizing Ethiopia can go hand in hand.
Any so-called “Oromo Obama” who ignores decolonization—even under the guise of pan-Ethiopian or pan-Horn unity—is destined to fail. The only Ethiopia that can survive is one founded on the free will of the Oromo people.
Promoting a unitary Ethiopia while marginalizing Oromummà is nothing more than a colonial continuation—now upheld by modern “Amapianists,” who seek to preserve Amharanet dominance. True democratization must follow true decolonization.
Toward a United Liberation Front
Therefore, I call upon all oppressed peoples—Oromo, Amhara, Sidama, Somali, Afar, Welayta, Gurage, Benishangul, and even Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia—to form a new democratic alliance. One similar to the old Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD), but grounded in deeper clarity and mutual respect.
As Dr. Berhanu Nega once wisely said:
“Gezhiwoch iyekefafelun yalut, kenesu bilxinet yetenesa sayihon, kenya monyinet yetenesa newu”
This alliance for freedom and democracy summarizes our dual struggle:
- Freedom from tyranny – decolonization
- Democratic union – democratization
Decolonization must come first. Only then can we build a true multinational democratic union. Democratization under an empire has never succeeded.
The Time is Now
Let all democratic parties and liberation fronts—legal and underground—come to their senses. Let them unite behind one clear purpose: national freedom within a voluntary regional union.
Even among traditionally Habesha organizations, there are encouraging signs that some now acknowledge this fundamental truth: freedom must come before federation.
Historically, we’ve seen four political camps:
- TPLF-style federalists – claiming federation, but without genuine self-determination.
- Conservative unitary elites – pushing centralized unity under Amharanet.
- Hardline liberation fronts – seeking total independence, ignoring broader union.
- Moderates – demanding national freedom with the option of voluntary union.
Today, momentum is with the moderate liberationist camp. Oromo freedom and Ethiopian unity are not inherently contradictory.
Only a united alliance, rooted in this clarity, can give rise to a true “Oromo Obama.” As Gadaa.com rightly stated, no Oromo Obama can exist under a system of colonial domination. Just as Mandela rose after apartheid, and Obama after slavery, so too must an Oromo Obama arise only after Oromia’s liberation.
The real problem is not that the Oromo lack a Mandela or an Obama. The Oromo nation has produced countless visionary leaders, intellectuals, and freedom fighters. The true issue is that Habesha elites have yet to produce a de Klerk or a Helen Suzman—leaders from within the historically dominant groups who are willing to acknowledge past injustices, support genuine self-determination, and work toward a just, inclusive, and decolonized future.
Until such decolonizing figures emerge from the Habesha political class—figures who accept Oromia’s right to self-rule and identity—no genuine reconciliation or unity will be possible.
The Oromo people have already declared “Oromai” to Amharanet rule in Oromia. But Amharanet still thrives in Finfinne and throughout the central apparatus of Ethiopia. The struggle is not over until Oromummà becomes a central pillar—not a tolerated periphery—of Ethiopian statehood, identity, and governance.
The Role of Upcoming Elections and Resistance
The next elections will be a critical test. Boycotting them only serves to strengthen the authoritarian regime of Biltsiginnà. Instead, democratic and liberation forces must organize, participate, and mobilize the public. Electoral resistance, civic engagement, and nonviolent popular uprising are essential tools in this phase of struggle.
The people must rise with clarity and courage—not out of vengeance, but out of vision. We must say:
Oromai to Biltsiginnà. Oromai to tyranny. Oromai to oppression.
Let us organize across regional, ethnic, and ideological lines around shared values:
- Freedom before federation
- Decolonization before democratization
- Unity through consent, not coercion
- Democracy rooted in cultural and linguistic equality
Let this be the final chapter in a long, painful history of domination. A new era is possible—but only if we rise to meet it, united, strategic, and uncompromising in our demand for justice.
Final Reflections: Oromai is Both an End and a Beginning
“Oromai” is not just a slogan. It is a declaration of an end—and the beginning of something new.
It means no more to subjugation.
No more to being ruled in your own land.
No more to being spoken for in a language that erases your identity.
No more to governments that treat nations like subjects rather than partners.
But it also means:
- Yes to self-rule.
- Yes to cultural revival.
- Yes to a new democratic union—if and only if it is built on mutual respect and free will.
- Yes to a future where Oromummà and other suppressed identities are not marginalized but centered.
It is time to reject the imperial ghosts of Menelik, Haile Selassie, Mengistu, and even Meles—not just in name, but in structure, language, and practice. Let us build a future that reflects the true diversity, dignity, and democratic potential of the peoples of this land
May Wàqa guide the Oromo nation, and all oppressed nations, toward freedom, justice, and peace.
Galatôma.
Oromai.
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2019/06/15/4057/