Mereja.Forum

[OPFist]

Current Dilemma of Oromo Nationalists: Pro-Abiy Bloc vs Pro-Jawar Camp!

By Fayyis Oromia*

Currently, the Oromo people face two significant adversaries: the dictatorial regime of Biltsiginnà, which holds power, and nostalgic oppressive Northerners attempting to reclaim the Finfinne palace. As a result, Oromo nationalists appear divided over which threat to prioritize in their struggle. During this period of political contest between Biltsiginnà and the Northerners, some Oromo elites advocate supporting Biltsiginnà to prevent a Northern resurgence. Meanwhile, others choose to oppose Biltsiginnà, even if that aligns them—by default—with Northern interests.

On the ground, Oromo nationalists are becoming increasingly polarized—split between pro- and anti-Abiy factions, as well as pro- and anti-Jawar camps. In reality, these two figures are dividing the Oromo people rather than uniting or empowering them. As far as I am concerned, both groups—Pro-Abiy and Pro-Jawar—have legitimate concerns and alternative approaches regarding the aluta continua of the Oromo struggle for freedom and sovereignty.

The unanswered question remains: which path is correct—supporting Biltsiginnà or unintentionally aligning with Northern forces? In my view, both camps must critically reassess their positions. All genuine Oromo nationalists—whether within the OLA, OFC, or OLF—must unite to resist both the return of Northern forces and the authoritarianism of Biltsiginnà. The oppressive Salisawi Derg (i.e., Biltsiginnà), which continues to subordinate Afan Oromo to Amharic, must be overthrown. At the same time, we must prevent Northern forces—determined to eradicate Oromummà—from reclaiming control of the Finfinne palace.

Strategically, our first priority must be to block the return of Northern domination. Only then can we focus on dismantling the dictatorship of the Biltsiginnà regime. This is why I understand the perspectives of both camps—but I prioritize ensuring that the Northerners do not return, before turning to confront and remove the current dictatorship.

Over the past seven years, the “triple hybrid” Prime Minister—ethnically, ideologically, and psychologically—Dr. Abiy Ahmed, has actively worked to undermine the Oromo liberation struggle, with support from elites aligned with pro-Amharanet ideology. Their goal has been clear: to suppress the rise of Oromummà and prevent it from claiming its rightful place. Ethiopia, in its current form, is a Western-backed project designed to serve as a buffer against Arab influence in East Africa. Historically, Western alliances have leaned on Christian Habesha elites while sidelining the predominantly Muslim Oromo population—viewed as a threat to be contained.

This deep-seated skepticism toward the Oromo national liberation movement has led to both overt and covert efforts by the West to undermine our struggle.

Oromo elites have often been used as instruments in this sabotage. During the 2005 Oromo uprising (Fincila Diddaa Garbummaa), Ato Birtukan Mideksa was suddenly elevated to the leadership of the opposition—an intentional move to draw Oromo support toward Ethiopian unity. When the struggle reached a decisive moment in 2018, Dr. Abiy was similarly promoted. Both figures played critical roles in suppressing genuine Oromo resistance to preserve a system dominated by Amharanet, at the expense of Oromummà. Whether they succeeded remains an open question.

A few years ago, “Lady Liberty” Birtukan was appointed head of Ethiopia’s election board. Her appointment appeared fitting given her integrity and moral standing—she was not a political opportunist. As an Oromo woman of principle, she had once resisted manipulation by Meles Zenawi and earned the respect of Oromos and many Ethiopians. But why was she promoted by the Abyssinian elite? And why was she later sidelined? We must examine the context.

Both Habesha elites and their Western sponsors have long sought to contain the Oromo liberation movement. Ethiopia remains their strategic instrument to counter Arab/Islamic influence in the Horn. This essay is open to critique—I welcome it—but we must ask: Was Birtukan’s rise to “Lady Liberty,” “Queen Mideksa,” and “Ethiopian Mandela” a coincidence or part of a calculated strategy? And how about Dr. Abiy’s elevation? Why are Oromo elites so frequently selected to manage Ethiopia’s crises (e.g., Qusee Dinegde, Teferi Benti, Tesfaye Dinqa, Abiy Ahmed)? The answer lies in their perceived utility to the status quo.

The Oromo liberation movement stands opposed to both Arab and European interference in the Horn. From the arrival of Judaism 3,000 years ago to later Christian and Islamic expansions, Wàqeffata Oromos largely resisted. The term “Gàllà” (meaning “No-sayer”) reflects this resistance. Though some Oromos gradually adopted Christianity or Islam, resistance endured.

Historical records indicate that many who are now considered Shewa Amhara or Wollo Muslims were originally Oromos who converted. The so-called 16th-century “Oromo migration” was less an invasion and more a defensive expansion in response to pressures from Christian and Muslim external forces. The Oromo eventually ruled the Gonder dynasty for 300 years before Christianized Agaw warlords, with European support, dismantled Oromo influence—culminating in Menelik’s conquest of Oromia with European weapons.

European powers legitimized Ethiopia as an empire, weaponized Habesha elites, and suppressed the Oromo and other southern nations. This geopolitical framework persists to this day. The primary challenge to this structure is the Oromo liberation movement. Western powers have consistently sought to suppress it—from the Raya and Bale uprisings to the sidelining of the OLF in 1991/92. The collapse of Somalia was also linked to fears of united Somali and Oromo resistance.

Modern methods of suppressing Oromo nationalism include elevating figures like Birtukan and Abiy to give Oromos a false sense of representation. Yet these symbolic gestures fail to pacify the consciousness of true nationalists. Whether Birtukan was a tool of Habesha colonialism or a reformer remains a critical question.

As for Dr. Abiy—was his promotion intended to distract the Oromo liberation movement? Or could he become Ethiopia’s de Klerk, dismantling the old system and building a new democracy? History is replete with Oromo-background leaders—Menelik, Haile Selassie, Mengistu—who failed to serve Oromo interests. To be truly Oromo politically, one must work for Oromo national liberation. To be psychologically Oromo, one must empathize with the suffering of this nation.

Dr. Abiy entered Finfinne with promises of reform. Will he fulfill them, or align himself with outdated Habesha elites? If he chooses reform, he could help create a democratic Ethiopia where Oromo autonomy or independence is determined by the people’s will. If not, continued instability is inevitable.

I had once hoped he would bridge Oromo nationalists and democratic unionists, perhaps through an OPDO-ANDM alliance to check TPLF dominance. But one thing is clear: nothing can succeed at the expense of Oromo liberation. Habesha elites cannot distract us with symbolic promotions. Encouragingly, unity among Oromo organizations is growing. This unity must expand and forge broader democratic alliances.

We once hoped “Lady Liberty” would help unite Oromos at home and abroad. The common ground must be either Oromia’s autonomy (as envisioned by the OFC) or full independence (as advocated by the OLF). Those who call for the elimination of Oromia are delusional. Only misery will follow. Fortunately, more voices are aligning with Oromo democrats and reframing their struggles as movements for democratization.

That is why I assert: Ethiopia’s struggle is now part of the Oromo struggle—not the reverse. Dr. Abiy must choose—side with reactionary elites or align with forward-thinking Oromo leaders. May Waaqa guide him toward the latter. Centuries of oppression have not broken the Oromo people’s determination for national and civic freedom.

To conclude: whether Dr. Abiy’s rise was by chance or by design, time will tell. What is certain is this—no force can permanently suppress the Oromo liberation movement. As long as Oromia remains occupied, dreams of peace and democracy in the Horn will remain illusions. Let the West and Habesha elites understand: supporting the Oromo cause is part of the solution, not the problem. I still hope Dr. Abiy can become a true de Klerk—not a Medvedev manipulated by a “Putin of Ethiopia.”

Who, then, will be Ethiopia’s Mandela? That is a question for another day.

Galatôma!
Read more:https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/05/3 ... -birtukan/

[OPFist]

Strategically, our first priority must be to block the return of Northern domination. Only then can we focus on dismantling the dictatorship of the Biltsiginnà regime. This is why I understand the perspectives of both camps—but I prioritize ensuring that the Northerners do not return, before turning to confront and remove the current dictatorship.

[OPFist]

I had once hoped he would bridge Oromo nationalists and democratic unionists, perhaps through an OPDO-ANDM alliance to check TPLF dominance. But one thing is clear: nothing can succeed at the expense of Oromo liberation. Habesha elites cannot distract us with symbolic promotions. Encouragingly, unity among Oromo organizations is growing. This unity must expand and forge broader democratic alliances.

[OPFist]

On the ground, Oromo nationalists are becoming increasingly polarized—split between pro- and anti-Abiy factions, as well as pro- and anti-Jawar camps. In reality, these two figures are dividing the Oromo people rather than uniting or empowering them. As far as I am concerned, both groups—PAAJ and PJAA (Pro-Abiy/Anti-Jawar and Pro-Jawar/Anti-Abiy)—have legitimate concerns and alternative approaches regarding the aluta continua of the Oromo struggle for freedom and sovereignty.

[OPFist]

The unanswered question remains: which path is correct—supporting Biltsiginnà or unintentionally aligning with Northern forces? In my view, both camps must critically reassess their positions. All genuine Oromo nationalists—whether within the OLA, OFC, or OLF—must unite to resist both the return of Northern forces and the authoritarianism of Biltsiginnà. The oppressive Salisawi Derg (i.e., Biltsiginnà), which continues to subordinate Afan Oromo to Amharic, must be overthrown. At the same time, we must prevent Northern forces—determined to eradicate Oromummà—from reclaiming control of the Finfinne palace.

[OPFist]

That is why I assert: Ethiopia’s struggle is now part of the Oromo struggle—not the reverse. Dr. Abiy must choose—side with reactionary elites or align with forward-thinking Oromo leaders. May Waaqa guide him toward the latter. Centuries of oppression have not broken the Oromo people’s determination for national and civic freedom.

[OPFist]

We once hoped “Lady Liberty” would help unite Oromos at home and abroad. The common ground must be either Oromia’s autonomy (as envisioned by the OFC) or full independence (as advocated by the OLF). Those who call for the elimination of Oromia are delusional. Only misery will follow. Fortunately, more voices are aligning with Oromo democrats and reframing their struggles as movements for democratization.

[OPFist]

Dr. Abiy entered Finfinne with promises of reform. Will he fulfill them, or align himself with outdated Habesha elites? If he chooses reform, he could help create a democratic Ethiopia where Oromo autonomy or independence is determined by the people’s will. If not, continued instability is inevitable.

[OPFist]

European powers legitimized Ethiopia as an empire, weaponized Habesha elites, and suppressed the Oromo and other southern nations. This geopolitical framework persists to this day. The primary challenge to this structure is the Oromo liberation movement. Western powers have consistently sought to suppress it—from the Raya and Bale uprisings to the sidelining of the OLF in 1991/92. The collapse of Somalia was also linked to fears of united Somali and Oromo resistance.

[OPFist]

Both Habesha elites and their Western sponsors have long sought to contain the Oromo liberation movement. Ethiopia remains their strategic instrument to counter Arab/Islamic influence in the Horn. This essay is open to critique—I welcome it—but we must ask: Was Birtukan’s rise to “Lady Liberty,” “Queen Mideksa,” and “Ethiopian Mandela” a coincidence or part of a calculated strategy? And how about Dr. Abiy’s elevation? Why are Oromo elites so frequently selected to manage Ethiopia’s crises (e.g., Qusee Dinegde, Teferi Benti, Tesfaye Dinqa, Abiy Ahmed)? The answer lies in their perceived utility to the status quo.

[OPFist]

On the ground, Oromo nationalists are becoming increasingly polarized—split between pro- and anti-Abiy factions, as well as pro- and anti-Jawar camps. In reality, these two figures are dividing the Oromo people rather than uniting or empowering them. As far as I am concerned, both groups—Pro-Abiy and Pro-Jawar—have legitimate concerns and alternative approaches regarding the aluta continua of the Oromo struggle for freedom and sovereignty.

[OPFist]

To conclude: whether Dr. Abiy’s rise was by chance or by design, time will tell. What is certain is this—no force can permanently suppress the Oromo liberation movement. As long as Oromia remains occupied, dreams of peace and democracy in the Horn will remain illusions. Let the West and Habesha elites understand: supporting the Oromo cause is part of the solution, not the problem. I still hope Dr. Abiy can become a true de Klerk—not a Medvedev manipulated by a “Putin of Ethiopia.”

[OPFist]

Modern methods of suppressing Oromo nationalism include elevating figures like Birtukan and Abiy to give Oromos a false sense of representation. Yet these symbolic gestures fail to pacify the consciousness of true nationalists. Whether Birtukan was a tool of Habesha colonialism or a reformer remains a critical question.

[OPFist]

Strategically, our first priority must be to block the return of Northern domination. Only then can we focus on dismantling the dictatorship of the Biltsiginnà regime. This is why I understand the perspectives of both camps—but I prioritize ensuring that the Northerners do not return, before turning to confront and remove the current dictatorship.