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Dr. Abiy and His Hybrid Supporters Are Like the Proverbial Dog Eating From Two Homes

Post by OPFist » 12 Jun 2025, 04:57

Dr. Abiy and His Hybrid Supporters Are Like the Proverbial Dog Eating From Two Homes

By Fayyis Oromia*

The expected conflict between the Amaranet bloc and the Oromumma camp is now escalating. There is no doubt that the main actors in both groups are elites of Oromo origin—pro-Amaranet and pro-Oromumma alike. This internal struggle between the two identities began in 1270, during the reign of Yekuno Amlak.

For centuries, the Amaranet bloc flourished with little resistance from the Oromumma camp. However, thanks to the emergence of the OLF, this trajectory shifted, and the Oromumma movement has slowly but steadily gained influence.

The victory has been incremental:
- During the 1974 revolution, the Oromumma camp achieved roughly 25% freedom from Amaranet domination.
- Following the fall of the Derg in 1991, this grew to 50%.
- By 2018, after the political change, the Oromumma camp reached about 75% emancipation.

However, this movement was hijacked by “hybrids”—individuals with Oromo biological roots but pro-Amaranet mentalities. These include martial, physical, and psychological diqalas, led by Dr. Abiy Ahmed. They exploited the Qeerroo movement to maintain the existing Amaranet domination. Despite their Oromo background, they prioritize Amarigna and Amaranet in the palace, parliament, and all federal institutions, while keeping Afaan Oromo and Oromumma in a secondary role.

These hybrid rulers are mistrusted by the Amaranet bloc due to their Oromo origin and are unsupported by the Oromumma camp due to their Amaranet allegiance. Their situation is like a dog trying to eat from two neighboring homes—certain to be devoured by a hyena while vacillating between the two.

From Habesha Colonization to Hybrid Domination

The 2018 change did not liberate Oromia from oppression—it only replaced the Habesha elite with Oromo hybrids (biologically Oromo but psychologically Amaranet). These hybrids continue to revere Amarigna and promote Amaranet, refusing to give Afaan Oromo the primacy it deserves in federal institutions.

Their goal is to preserve Amarigna’s dominance despite demographic realities. Afaan Oromo, the most widely spoken language in Ethiopia, should be the primary working language in institutions like the parliament, the palace, the cabinet, the courts, the military, and the security apparatus. Now is the time for genuine Oromo nationalists to dismantle Abiy Ahmed’s hybrid bloc while also preventing the return of the Habesha elite.

We must reclaim power (Àngô) in the Finfinne palace, promote Afaan Oromo as the primary federal language, and economically empower the Oromo nation to become self-reliant.

Historical Roots of Amaranet and Oromumma

It is important to recognize that both Amaranet and Oromumma are identities of the same people, dating back to around 1270. Oromo elites under Yekuno Amlak began to adopt and revere Amarigna, designating it the lisane nigus (language of royalty), while marginalizing Oromiffa, the language of farmers and commoners.

This elevation of Amarigna was essentially the promotion of Amaranet, and the disregard for Oromiffa symbolized the suppression of Oromumma. Since that time, Ethiopia has not been ruled by ethnic Amharas in the strict sense, but rather by pro-Amaranet elites—often of Oromo origin—who persecuted and suppressed pro-Oromumma democrats.

These pro-Amaranet dictators of Oromo descent were supported by other pro-Amaranet elites, including those of Agaw and other national origins. Today, this dynamic persists. Pro-Amaranet leaders like Dr. Abiy (Oromo) and Dr. Berhanu (Gurage) dominate the palace and federal structures, imprisoning pro-Oromumma voices.

Once again, no true ethnic Amhara is in power—but Amaranet remains the dominant force in the country. The question is: Can pro-Oromumma democrats learn from past mistakes and reassert themselves? Hopefully, they will succeed and elevate Oromumma to its rightful position, starting with promoting Oromiffa to the status of the primary federal language.

Federalism, Language, and the Abiy-Lamma Rift

I do not oppose Dr. Abiy merely for attempting to reshape the federation or fragment Oromia. I oppose him because he maintains the supremacy of Amarigna in federal institutions. As long as Amarigna remains dominant, Ethiopia will remain Amapia—a country dominated by Amaranet ideology.

However, promoting Afaan Oromo to the primary working language would naturally and inevitably transform Ethiopia into Oropia, an Oromumma-led state—broader in scope than even the Oromia envisioned by the OLF. This, I believe, was the core conflict between Dr. Abiy Ahmed and Obbo Lamma Magarsa: the question of which language should serve as the federal working tool.

Dr. Abiy claimed there was “no compromise” on federalism—but did he mean federalism in general or ethnic federalism in particular? It appears that Oromo elites are currently competing to lead both the Ethio-federalist bloc (which supports geo-federalism) and the Ethno-federalist bloc (which champions ethnic federation).

Both Abiy Ahmed, with his Zeginet (centralist) mindset, and Lamma Magarsa, with his Zewuginet (pluralist) approach, were vying for that leadership. Only time will tell who will prevail. Clearly, Oromo republicans like Lamma wield more influence in Oromia and have the potential to take power at both the regional and national levels.

As long as our three pillars—Àdà (culture), Afàn (language), and Àngô (power)—are not compromised in Finfinne, both approaches can be beneficial for the Oromo. But under the current status quo, Amaranet still dominates Oromumma throughout the country. Therefore, Lamma’s vision appears preferable—at least for now. Once Amaranet domination ends, Abiy’s centralist vision may become more acceptable.

Oromo Politics Today and Generational Visions

Oromo politics today is in a state of transformation. I once advocated for unity among Oromos and an alliance with the Amhara—both of which are gradually taking shape. Despite the TPLF’s divisive tactics and missteps by some Amhara extremists, there were encouraging developments:

The Qeerroo movement marched to Bahir Dar carrying the slogan “Xanan keenya” (“Our Lake”)—a symbolic gesture of reclaiming shared heritage.

Obbo Lamma Magarsa visited the Amhara region to initiate dialogue under the banner of “Ethiopiyan keenya”(“Our Ethiopia”).

These actions reflect the implementation of a political vision I have long supported: the unification of the Oromo people and a strategic alliance with the Amhara. Together, tokkumma (unity) within the Oromo and tumsa (alliance) with the Amhara represent the most effective tools against the tyranny of Biltsigina.

But why have we failed to fully exercise these solutions? A core issue is psychological:
- Some Oromos still hesitate to embrace Ethiopia as “biyya keenya” (our country).
- Conversely, some Amhara deny their ethnic identity to preserve a unitary Ethiopian identity.

Now, encouraging shifts are happening:
- Amhara elites are beginning to demand their ethnic rights.
- Oromo elites are starting to accept “Ethiopiyan keenya” as a valid national sentiment.
These are promising signs of common ground that can foster unity against Abyssinian tyranny.

The Three Generations of Oromo Nationalists

When analyzing the mindset of Oromo freedom fighters, we can categorize them into three generations based on their confidence levels, political visions, and their attitudes toward rivals.

1. First Generation (1960s) – “Arrab-tokké” (Single-tongued)

These were communist-oriented nationalists who believed in the “my way or the highway” approach. They recognized only one of the three post-freedom sovereignty options:
- Independent Oromia
- Federal Union
- Integrated Ethiopia

Whichever they chose, they considered other views as betrayal. Examples:
- Obbo Jaarraa’s pro-independence OLF
- Obbo Bulcha’s federalist OFDM
- Dr. Haile Fida’s integrationist MEISON
They were rigid in ideology and lacked tolerance for alternative visions.

2. Second Generation (1990s) – “Arrab-lamee” (Double-tongued)

These leaders became more pragmatic and open to two out of the three sovereignty options, yet rejected the third:
- Obbo Dawud’s OLF supported a referendum between independence and federalism but rejected integration.
- Obbo Andargachew’s ECS supported federalism and integration but dismissed independence.
These organizations offered limited democracy—advocating for choice, but not full choice.

3. Third Generation (2020s) – “Arrab-sadee” (Triple-tongued)

Still emerging, this generation is willing to entertain all three sovereignty outcomes—independence, federalism, or integration—based on the public’s free will. So far, only individuals like Fayyis Oromia and perhaps the late Dr. Nagaso Gidada represent this open-minded approach. Organizationally, the OFC seems closest to adopting this inclusive vision.

This generation, especially the Qubé Generation, has the potential to unify all Oromo political camps—pro-independence, pro-federalism, and pro-integration—into a broad democratic front against the Abyssinian elite. Their common goal is freedom first, followed by democratic decision-making on post-freedom sovereignty.

Unlike other African liberation struggles that had only one or two options (e.g., colonial independence or federal union), the Oromo, as the demographic majority, are unique in having three legitimate post-liberation sovereignty options.

Redefining Biyya Keenya and the Path Forward

Oromo nationalists have long debated which land should truly be called “biyya keenya”—our country. Is it Oromia (Biyya-Oromo)? Ethiopia (Biyya-Kush)? Or even Africa (Biyya-Hàm)?

In truth, all three are valid, depending on the level of political and historical reference:
- Biyya-Oromo (Oromia) is imperatively our country—it is the heartland and cultural core of the Oromo nation.
- Biyya-Kush (Ethiopia) is optionally our country—subject to how it is structured politically and whether it respects Oromo rights.
- Biyya-Hàm (Africa) is inevitably our country—it is our continental identity, which we share with other Black African nations.
These overlapping identities can be harmonized under the broader idea of Biyya-Kenya—”our country” in a layered sense.

Ethiopia Is a Tullama Empire, Not a Habesha Empire

Contrary to popular historical narratives, Ethiopia is not a purely Habesha empire. It was founded through an alliance:
- The Habeshanized Tullama led by Emperor Menelik II
- The non-Habeshanized Tullama led by General Gobana Dacè

The majority of the imperial army that expanded the Ethiopian state was Oromo. This makes Ethiopia as much a Tullama Empire as a Habesha one—if not more so. In fact, we could even argue it is an Oromo Empire at its core, now in need of democratic transformation into a voluntary Oromian (Ethiopian) Union.

The key difference between empire and union lies in how they are formed:
- An empire imposes unity by force.
- A union is created through free will and mutual respect.

Thus, Oromian independence, as advocated by some nationalists, can emerge under two legitimate conditions:
- If all neighboring nations reject a union and form independent states.
- If the Oromo people freely vote for full independence via referendum.
The OFC supports the first condition, seeing Oromo as the demographic majority at the center. The OLF supports the second, placing the decision in the hands of the Oromo people. Both strategies are valid democratic paths.

In conclusion:
- Biyya-Oromo is unquestionably ours.
- Biyya-Kush can be ours if it’s democratized and decolonized.
- Biyya-Hàm is inevitably our wider African identity.

A Pragmatic Present and a Confident Future

A balanced approach is necessary. While some advocate solely for an independent Oromia, we should not limit ourselves to a smaller vision when a broader, more inclusive Oropia (democratic Ethiopia) is possible.

Right now, Oromia as an autonomous region within a federated Ethiopia is a pragmatic transitional solution. This path, supported by leaders like Obbo Lamma and the OFC, allows Oromo self-rule while participating in shared rule.

But our vision must not end there. We must prepare for the next stage: transforming Ethiopia from an Oromophobic to an Oromophilic state—one that celebrates, not suppresses, Oromo identity.

The Ethiopia we rejected in the past was exclusive, imperial, and oppressive. The Ethiopia we can build now—Oropia—can be democratic, inclusive, and Oromo-friendly. This is the Ethiopiawinet that Obbo Lamma described as being “like an addiction” to the Oromo—“Ethiopiawinet inde hashis suus new”.

Conclusion – The Three Sovereignty Options and the Way Forward

As Oromo nationalists of the 2020s, we must be open to three sovereignty outcomes:
- Only Ethiopia – a fully integrated Oropia
- Oromia within Ethiopia – a federated partnership
- Only Oromia – full independence

But for now, it is wise to:
- Leave behind the 1960s vision of independent Gadaa Oromia (low confidence).
- Embrace the 1990s vision of federal union as a transitional framework (intermediate confidence).
- Aspire toward the 2020s vision of integrative Oropia (high confidence).

The three core mandates of Oromo nationalism today are:
- Afaan Oromo as the federal working language
- Finfinne as the cultural capital of the Oromo
- Aango Oromo (Oromo power) in the central federal institutions—especially Caffee Araara (the Finfinne palace)

With this in mind, both Abiy’s Ethiofederalist vision and Lamma’s Ethnofederalist vision can serve the Oromo cause—if grounded in genuine equality, democracy, and self-determination.

May Waaqa grant us the wisdom to respect our internal diversity, tolerate different strategies, and work together toward freedom and justice for the Oromo people. Democracy will ultimately determine which path the people choose. Personally, I support the high-confidence vision of integrative Oropia, though the intermediate federal union remains the most realistic for now.

Galatooma!
Read more:https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/01/0 ... tion-2020/