Are Abiy Ahmed and Jawar Mohammed Integrative or Polarizing Oromo Figures?
Fayyis Oromia*
Nowadays, Oromos are divided between anti-Abiy and pro-Abiy, as well as anti-Jawar and pro-Jawar camps. That is why I dare to ask: are these two Oromo figures integrators or polarizers of the Oromo nation?
Let’s start with the Prime Minister. Dr. Abiy Ahmed, in a speech he gave in Ambo, once praised both sides of Oromo historical figures—those aligned with Oromianism and those with Ethiopianism (which some call Oropianism). He mentioned Oromianists like Mamo Mezemir and Alemu Qixessa, who fought for the freedom of the Oromo and the sovereignty of Oromia. He also acknowledged Oropianists (Ethiopianists) such as H/Giorgis Dinagde and Laureate Tsegaye G/Medihin, who struggled for the unity and defense of Ethiopia as a whole.
To this day, Oromo elites have not reconciled these two strands of Oromo history. Some elites in the OLF acknowledge the Oromianists and denounce the Oropianists, whereas many elites in OPP do the reverse. Abiy’s attempt to recognize both sides sounds somewhat integrative. However, his performance over the last seven years has effectively polarized Oromo nationalists into two blocs: anti-Abiy republicans and pro-Abiy prosperitans.
Now, the Prime Minister faces a critical choice: further polarize or reintegrate the Oromo political landscape. The decision is his. He will either be remembered as an integrative figure or as a divisive leader in future Oromo history. If he chooses the first path, he must release all Oromo political prisoners immediately and seek consensus with the OLF and OFC. Otherwise, he may continue relying on the support of a small Oromo base while fighting against the Oromo majority—risking being remembered as a quisling in Oromo history. The ball is in his court.
Furthermore, while Abiy’s attempt to undermine ethnofederalism in favor of a more inclusive Ethiopian federalism may not be timely, it could be seen as farsighted. In the past, an independent Oromia was a powerful vision—at a time when the Oromo had low confidence and low security due to historical oppression. Ethnofederalism is our current appropriate vision, as we are in a transitional phase where confidence is moderate, and security is still fragile—especially given that Amaranet (Amhara-ness) and Amharic still dominate at the expense of Oromumma (Oromo-ness) and Afaan Oromo.
In the future, a more integrative federal Ethiopia, where Oromumma plays a central role, may be optimal—once Oromos enjoy high confidence, security, and cultural and political leadership. The question remains: is the PM dismantling what the Oromo have already achieved, or is he simply moving too fast toward a future vision?
I would say today is better than the past, but the Abiy administration continues to rule with Amaranet dominating over Oromumma. Although both Oromo and Amhara elites share power now, Oromumma is not yet leading. The Oromo’s long-term vision could be either to lead Ethiopia or to liberate Oromia. The vision of leading Ethiopia can only be fulfilled if Oromumma becomes central to Ethiopianness, with Amaranet taking a secondary role. This is legitimate, as the Oromo are the largest nation in the country.
Such leadership can be realized by promoting Àdà Oromo (Oromo culture), Afàn Oromo (language), and Àngô Oromo (Oromo political will) to a primary position in Ethiopia. The OPP seems to lack the courage to do this. A future Oromo Republican Party (ORP)—a potential merger of the OLA, OFC, and OLF—could elevate both the Oromo and Oromumma to leadership within a Cushitic Ethiopia.
Now is the right moment for the Oromo people, and indeed all oppressed nations in Ethiopia—including the masses of Amhara and Tigray—to say “Oromai” (it is over) after over a century of struggle. We are at the threshold of ending the oppressive system and moving toward liberty, self-rule, and multinational democracy.
The domination of Amaranet still thrives, even though dictatorial Amhara elites and hegemonic Tigrayan elites are gone. Amharic remains dominant in Caffé Aràrà Palace, Finfinne, and the entire country. As long as Amharic dominates, so does Amaranet—regardless of who holds formal power. Menelik, Haile Selassie, Teferi Banti, and Mengistu were all Oromo by background but ruled under the system of Amaranet. What, then, makes Abiy Ahmed different?
A few years ago, a blogger proposed the idea of “An Oromo Obama: The Audacity to Reinvent Ethiopia.” He seemed to hope that the Oromo would democratize Ethiopia, rather than focus only on decolonizing Oromia. But he framed it as an either–or scenario. Another writer, in a piece published on Gadaa.com, responded brilliantly, arguing that decolonization of Oromia and democratization of Ethiopia can go hand in hand.
Any so-called Oromo “Obama” who ignores the need for Oromia’s decolonization and independence—even when cloaked in an Ethiopian or Horn-wide identity—is bound to fail. The only Ethiopia that can survive is one rooted in the free will of the Oromo people. Promoting a unitary, centralized Ethiopia while marginalizing Oromumma is a colonial mindset maintained by modern “Amapianists”—those who seek to preserve Amaranet domination.
The only democratization acceptable to an Oromo “Obama” is a multinational democracy after or with the self-determination of the Oromo and other oppressed nations—like Afar, Ogaden, Sidama, Anyuwak, Benishangul, etc. Democratizing the empire without first dismantling its imperial nature is self-deception, as seen under Haile Selassie’s aristocracy, Mengistu’s autocracy, and Meles Zenawi’s ethnocracy.
Thus, I call upon all oppressed nations to unite against the primary evil in the Horn today: the fascist Biltsiginnà. The Oromo, Amhara, Gurage, Sidama, Somali, Afar, Welayita—and even Eritrea, Djibouti, and Somalia—should consider a de facto alliance against this authoritarian regime. A new alliance of democratic and liberation forces, similar to the old AFD, could be the beginning of the end for the current tyranny.
Dr. Berhanu Nega once said:
“Gezhiwoch iyekefafelun yalut, kenesu bilxinet yetenesa sayihon, kenya monyinet yetenesa newu.”
(Those who tell peoples to reconcile must first show their own liberation, just as we must demonstrate our own dignity.)
This wise statement frames our collective struggle in two stages:
- Freedom from tyranny – decolonization
- Democratic union – democratization
Decolonization precedes democratization. That’s why we must first secure our national freedom, and only then build a true multinational democracy. Some argue that democratization can also lead to decolonization, but in practice, this has never materialized under empire.
Now is the time for all democratic parties and liberation fronts—legal and illegal—to come to their senses. I urge them to agree on one unifying purpose: national freedom within a regional union. Encouragingly, even Habesha-dominated organizations have begun to acknowledge the importance of freedom before federation.
Historically, four political camps existed:
- The TPLF – falsely claiming national autonomy and a federation based on free will.
- Conservative Unitarists – rejecting national autonomy, pushing for centralized unity under Amaranet.
- Radical Liberation Fronts – seeking total independence (e.g., free Oromia) without regard for union.
- Moderates – working for both national freedom and a voluntary Ethiopian union.
I believe momentum now favors the fourth group. Oromo freedom and Ethiopian union are not inherently contradictory. Based on the Oromo public’s verdict, Oromia’s freedom must be respected—within or without Ethiopia.
Only a united alliance grounded in such clarity can give rise to a true “Oromo Obama.” As Gadaa.com put it, there can’t be an Oromo Obama under an enslaving empire. Just as Mandela governed post-apartheid South Africa and Obama led a post-slavery U.S., an Oromo Obama can only emerge in a democratic union of free peoples.
The problem is not that Oromos can’t produce an Obama or Mandela—but that Habesha elites have yet to produce a de Klerk or a Helen Suzman. When these decolonizing leaders arise from Habesha society—those who respect Oromia’s right to exist and self-govern—we will truly be able to say “Oromai” to tyranny.
The Oromo people have already declared Oromai to the system of Amaranet domination in Oromia—but not yet to its continued domination in Finfinne and all of Ethiopia. Now is the time for all democratic forces to organize for real change—starting with the upcoming elections. Boycotting helps only Biltsiginnà. Instead, we must prepare for peaceful resistance, public uprising, and collective mobilization.
Let us all rise and say together: Oromai to Biltsiginnà. Oromai to tyranny. Oromai to oppression.
May Waaqa help us all.
Galatooma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2019/06/15/4057/