Oromo’s Negotiation: Will the OLF Take Over Oromia While the OPP Continues to Rule Oropia?
By Fayyis Oromia*
Oromo forces are still in negotiation. It is said that the OLF wants to take power in Oromia, leaving the federal administration of Oropia (an Oromummaa-led Ethiopia) to the OPP. What a smart move—if they truly agree on such a compromise. The OLF controlling Oromia would mean building a strong backbone for Dr. Abiy to govern Oropia more securely and in a stable manner. At the same time, this would mark the end for vocal anti-Oromo forces, who are eager to take over the palace in Finfinne and resume exploiting Oromia.
Now is a pivotal moment for Dr. Abiy to seize this opportunity and make history in Oromo politics. If successful, the Oromo would have two major political parties: the OPP and the yet-to-be-formed Oromo Republican Party (ORP), a merger of the OLA, OFC, and OLF. Through the next election, the ORP could even take power at the federal level, administering an integrative Oropia—where Afaan Oromo would become the primary working language of the federation, replacing Amharic. In this federation, the rights of individuals, nations, and institutions would be well respected. Regarding Oromia, all its parts taken or given away by Woyane—such as Finfinne, Dire Dawa, Rayya, Wollo, Wambara, Moyale, etc.—would be reunited under Oromia’s legislative rule.
On the ground, it’s evident that some pro-Amharanet Oromo activists—who once supported the EPP and criticized Oromo republicans at the expense of Oromummaa—are changing their stance. This shift is largely due to pressure from well-organized Amhara neo-Naftagna elites. These activists seem to have lost hope in Dr. Abiy, who appears to be manipulated by Amhara elites aiming to weaken the Oromummaa camp. They are now calling on Oromo republican leaders to publicly declare their positions.
There’s no doubt: Oromo republicans are pro-Oromummaa, in contrast to Dr. Abiy, who is practically aligned with Amharanet. It is interesting to observe Oromo leaders diverging in political orientation. Dr. Abiy seems more aligned with Ethiofederalists like Dr. Berhanu’s ECS, while the republicans remain loyal to ethnofederalism. The political spectrum in Oropia is now centering. Both the Derg-style Ethiofascists and the Woyane-type Ethnofascists have lost influence—seemingly for good. In the end, it seems that the freedom fighters, both Ethiofederalist and Ethnofederalist, have won the struggle.
Ethiocentralists who once advocated for a unitary Ethiopia have abandoned that dream and now lean toward Ethiofederalism. Similarly, ethnoseparatists now seem to embrace the vision of ethnofederalism. In short, only two main opposition camps remain: Ethiofederalists and Ethnofederalists. The incumbent administration seems to accommodate both ideologies. Oromos tend to support either of these forms of federalism depending on the kind of sovereignty they envision for Oromia, based on their version of Oromo history.
Oromo Prosperitans are open to Ethiofederalism, even if it risks dismantling Oromia. In contrast, Oromo Republicans insist on preserving Ethnofederalism, though it may risk dismantling Oropia. Being an Ethiofederalist is not necessarily bad—but being pro-Amharanet at the cost of Oromummaa is. An integrative Oropia could actually be more beneficial than an independent Oromia, regardless of whether the system is Ethiofederation or Ethnofederation.
When it comes to Oromo history, we must always ask: “Who wrote it?” Was it the Abesha elites, who claimed we came from a river? Oromo nationalists, who assert we originated in Mada Walabu and were colonized by Abyssinians? Or modern historians, who link us to Meroe in northern Sudan and claim the term “Ethiopia” originally belonged to the Cushitic Oromo, not the Habesha?
Did the Oromo migrate from the south to the north, or were we pushed from the north (Meroe) toward the south?
Personally, I leave history to historians—but I am not so naïve as to deny that the Oromo are indigenous to the Horn of Africa. Historically, we were squeezed into our current territory by Christian Europeans, Muslim Arabs, and Ottoman Turks. The Oromo, originally Waaqeffannaa believers, resisted these Abrahamic religions and preserved our identity in our homeland.
Some questions remain: Are the Christianized and Habeshanized Amhara and Tigrayans biologically Oromo? Or are they descendants of other Cushitic peoples like the Agaw? Are the Islamized (Arabized) Afars and Somalis also biological Oromo? Some historians suggest that the Oromo may be the ancestral root of nearly all Cushitic nations in the Horn.
All these narratives—whether from Abesha elites, pro-independence Oromo fronts, or pan-Cushitic thinkers—aim to use history to justify a vision of the Oromo future:
- Abesha elites portray the Oromo as newcomers to legitimize their claim that most of Oromia originally belonged to Abyssinia, justifying a unified empire under their control.
- Pro-independence Oromo fronts argue that Oromia was colonized in the late 19th century, legitimizing the fight for separation.
Pan-Cushitic theorists argue that all peoples of the Horn—including Habeshanized groups—are originally Oromo or Cushitic, advocating for a unified Cushland, led by Oromo leadership.
I personally find the third version most plausible, but I respect the right of all language and ethnic groups to national autonomy, in line with the theory of ethnogenesis.
Two crucial pillars of Oromo identity are the Gadaa system—an indigenous democracy—and the Waaqeffannaa religion, a preserved monotheistic African belief system. The Gadaa system should be modernized as an African model of governance, rather than relying on Western democratic systems that often fail in Africa. Reviving Waaqeffannaa represents a renaissance of African spiritual traditions against the dominant Abrahamic religions that have historically demonized African belief systems.
In reality, the Oromo have long suffered under national oppression. Our spiritual and ideological guide—the OLF—and the collective liberation mindset of freedom-loving Oromos are still active at all levels to achieve emancipation. I believe this liberation operates on three levels:
- The ruling OPP maintains the status quo of limited cultural autonomy to prevent regression to the pre-1991 era, when there was no Oromia state or recognition of Afaan Oromo.
- The OFC, as a political opposition, seeks genuine autonomy for Oromia within federal Ethiopia, free from exploitation by Abyssinian elites and submissive Oromo elites.
- The OLA and other free Oromo organizations aim for full liberation, whether through armed struggle or political transformation.
Leaving historical debates aside, we must agree on our common future destiny: the realization of Oromo sovereignty—either as an autonomous Oromia within a federation or an independent Oromia. We must distinguish our own desires from those of our oppressors. Abesha elites demand unconditional allegiance to their vision of Ethiopia’s territorial integrity under Amharanet domination. In contrast, the Oromo must articulate our right to national self-determination, which can lead to either autonomy within a free union or full independence.
To shape this future—whether Oromia or Oropia—we must align our efforts with global and African trends. Africa is moving slowly toward a federal structure: a United States of Africa. Oromianists aim to establish a State of Oromiawithin this larger federation, with Finfinne serving as the capital of both Africa and Oromia.
We hope that Abesha elites will eventually support this goal, allowing for a future with Tigrai, Amhara, Ogaden, Oromia, and other states coexisting within a unified African federation. Once this vision is shared, cooperation between democratic Abesha forces like ECS and pro-liberation Oromo fronts like the OLF can become a reality.
There’s no doubt: the unity of Oromo political organizations is essential to achieving this goal. The current major obstacle is the dictatorial EPP. To overcome it, we must:
- Unite all Oromo organizations to consolidate the freedom of the Oromo people.
- Build coalitions with other oppressed nations that share similar goals.
- Form strategic alliances with democratic Abesha forces—those who at least respect Oromo freedom, even if they oppose full sovereignty.
With these alliances, we can move halfway toward our goal—a United States of Ethiopia (USE), a genuinely federated Ethiopia based on language and culture. This federation can serve as a stepping stone to the United States of Africa. Medrek and other movements seem to share this vision.
This may explain why both ethnocentralists and ethnoseparatists have shifted toward the center. Ethiofederalists are building larger organizations through mergers (ECS, MEAD, Hibir, ANM). Ethnofederalists are still stronger but remain fragmented. Ethiofederalists’ chance of replacing the existing ethnofederation is limited.
Currently, Dr. Abiy leans toward Ethiofederalists, while Jawar Mohammed is strengthening the Ethnofederalist camp. For Oromos, either system is acceptable—as long as Afaan Oromo, Adaa Oromo, and Angoo Oromo are respected in Finfinne. What’s uncertain is whether Dr. Abiy will maintain the pro-Amharanet EPP or promote democratic Ethiofederalism. If he supports the former, he should step down; if the latter, and wins the next election, he may govern further.
Now is the right time for Jawar Mohammed to lead the Ethnofederalist camp and mobilize for power. May Waaqa guide us to a leader who will serve all nations and peoples of Oropia.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2019/01/1 ... ist-oromo/