Let’s Build a Multilingual, Beautiful Common Home – Ethiopia!
By Fayyis Oromia*
Ethiopia in particular, and Africa in general, resemble a beautiful garden of flowers with diverse colors and forms. What a beautiful multilingual country and continent we have! Oromo elites in power must preserve this beautiful garden, especially by respecting both the competitive Amarigna and Oromiffa. At the recent celebration of Ethiopian athletes in Finfinne, three Oromo leaders in power—Adanech, Derartu, and Qajela—gave speeches in Amarigna but not in Oromiffa. They should have used both. Since the time of Yekuno Amlak in 1270, Oromo elites have always been in power, yet they mistakenly preferred Amarigna over Oromiffa. I hope that genuine Oromo nationalists will soon control the Finfinne palace and change this status quo, establishing the legitimate leadership of Afaan Oromo within the federation. Then, Ethiopia will surely be transformed into an Oromumma-led, colorful, rainbow state.
If the people called Amara exist at all, it is because of the Amarigna language, created around 1270 by Oromo elites of northern Sheger, and the associated identity known as Amaranet. The conversion of the Oromo ruling class from Oromumma to Amaranet continues to this day. The OLF tried to reverse this trend and was, to some extent, successful. Still, Oromo ruling elites—currently led by Dr. Abiy Ahmed—prefer Amarigna to Oromiffa. As always, Oromo elites with this mindset rule Ethiopia. That is why I dare to say: no Amara ruled, but Amarigna always dominated Ethiopia. Oromo nationalists, led by the OLF, reject such an Ethiopia, which they view as an Abyssinian empire now maintained by the Biltsiginna regime. Only genuine democratization and the promotion of Afaan Oromo to its rightful position can change this situation. The OLF, OFC, and genuine Oromo nationalists in OPP should work toward this goal. With such steps, Oromiffa can assume its rightful leadership role in Ethiopia.
The beginning of the pro-Amarigna dictatorship is believed to date back to 1270, when Yekuno Amlak, with the authoritarian mindset of the Solomonic dynasty, took power from the democratic tradition of the Agaw in particular and the Oromo in general. Since then, authoritarianism rooted in the Christian kingdom has dominated Ethiopian politics. The Oromo liberation movement, led by the OLF, has tried to reverse this process for over 50 years. The struggle saw 25% success during the 1974 revolution, 50% in the 1991 transition, and 75% since the 2018 reform. Now, we are on the verge of witnessing the long-awaited 100% freedom from this pro-Amharanet dictatorship, and the pre-1270 pro-Oromiffa democracy of the Gadaa tradition will flourish once more. Ultimately, the Oromo liberation movement, led by the OLF, will prevail in establishing pro-Oromiffa democracy on the ruins of the pro-Amarigna dictatorship. The currently ruling Oromo Prosperitans will be the last to maintain Amarigna’s domination. Oromiffa shall gain its natural leadership role, ending the long-standing dominance. Ethiopia, under Oromiffa leadership, should become a vibrant garden of diverse flowers representing all the country’s languages. That is why Oromo republicans now aim to realize this inclusive Ethiopia instead of only forging a smaller Oromia.
Most of the pro-Amarigna dictators, whether Oromo or other non-Amara elites, are married to partners of Amara origin. As a result, they are mentally socialized to prefer Amarigna over their natural identity. Dr. Abiy is a classic example. He is married to an Amara woman and, consequently, prefers the Amarigna of his in-laws over the Oromiffa of his siblings by birth. He despises his own nationalism and embraces that of his partner. This mechanism explains how many elites have abandoned their original nationalism and become mentally Amara. This is why I call them pro-Amarigna dictators. Through this process, Agaws of Gojjam and Gondar became Amara, and some Oromos from Shewa and Wollo were also assimilated. Many elites from various non-Amara nations in urban centers like Finfinne and Dire Dawa now identify as Amara. Even those who haven’t explicitly abandoned their identity still serve Amarigna under the pretext of promoting Ethiopiawinet. I hope this trend will gradually change.
According to the knowledge I have accumulated thus far, the Oromo have never been oppressed by alien forces but have often fought among ourselves. We began being Solomonized 3,000 years ago, then Ge’ezized, and most recently Amaranized. The so-called Habesha are essentially Solomonized Oromos who gradually lost their Oromo culture (Ada) and language (Afaan Oromo) to become part of the ruling Habesha class. Thanks to the OLF, this trend began to reverse about 50 years ago, allowing us to reconnect with our true identity as Cushitic Oromo. Today, Ethiopiawinet, reimagined as Kushawinet, is flourishing over the grave of our false identity—Solomonized Habeshawinet. This is occurring under Oromo leadership, and we must prepare for this trend to define the coming 3,000 years. Nothing can change this reality. Our political fashion has shifted from aspiring to be Amarigna speakers to proudly upholding our identity through Afaan Oromo. What remains to be achieved is the long-awaited promotion of Afaan Oromo to a federal working language.
It is a known fact that nation-building in modern Ethiopia progressed until the 1962 reunification of Eritrea with Ethiopia. This was followed by the notorious Ethiopian Students’ Movement (ESM), which split into two factions: one advocating for class struggle and the other for national struggle. In 1991, those who supported national struggle prevailed. Since then, three groups have emerged within the domination bloc of the Habesha: centralist Amhara elites, pseudo-federalist Tigrayan elites, and separatist Eritrean elites. On the liberation side, three Oromo camps exist: pro-independence, pro-federalism, and pro-integration. The domination forces fight among themselves for power: Amharas seek to regain influence, Tigrayans aim to reclaim their hegemony, and Eritreans strive to restore their pre-1998 privileges.
Among Oromo freedom fighters, we can identify three generations based on their goals (kaayyoo) and approaches toward rivals:
- 1st Generation: Communist-oriented, adhering to the “my way or the highway” principle of the 1960s. From the three known types of post-freedom sovereignty—(1) independent Oromia, (2) federal union, (3) integrated Ethiopia—they chose one and rejected the rest, treating Oromo individuals who supported other visions as enemies. Examples: pro-independence OLF of Galaasaa, pro-federalism OFDM of Bulcha, and pro-integration OPLM in Meison led by Haile Fida.
- 2nd Generation (1990s): More open-minded, willing to consider two of the three options, while rejecting the third. For instance, the OLF of Daud accepted a referendum on independence vs federalism but rejected integration. Meanwhile, the OFC of Marara supported federalism vs integration but rejected independence. These groups supported limited democracy, trying to deny the public a full spectrum of choice.
- 3rd Generation (2020s): Yet to fully emerge. No major organization currently accepts all three post-freedom sovereignty options. Some individuals support this inclusive vision. Organizations like the ODF of Lencho and the ODP of Abiy initially appeared to move in this direction. We hope the Qubee Generation will embrace this inclusive mindset and unite all Oromo freedom fighters across ideological lines against the Habesha system of domination. The common denominator is freedom from pro-Amharanet dictatorship and the promotion of democracy under Oromummaa leadership.
Among the liberation forces, the 1st generation upheld only one vision: OLF-Q for independence, OFDM for federalism, and OPLM of Meison for integration. They strictly followed the “my way or the highway” approach.
The 2nd generation introduced some flexibility. For instance, the OLF accepted a referendum between independence and federalism, while AG7 supported a vote between federalism and integration. However, the OLF rejected integration that denied Oromo self-rule, and AG7 opposed independence, fearing it would endanger the country’s territorial integrity.
If we truly are democrats, as we claim to be, we must respect all three potential outcomes of a public referendum: independence, federalism, or integration. So far, no organization fully represents this 3rd generation. However, individuals like Dr. Negasso Gidada—who moved from OLF (independence) to OPDO (federalism) and then to UDJ (integration)—showed openness to all three outcomes. Such leaders could help unify the three Oromo camps for liberation.
ODP under Dr. Abiy initially seemed inclusive, even though it leans toward federalism. Its implied motto was: Consensus on federalism if possible, otherwise democracy via referendum on all three options. We still hope for a new AFD-type Oromo alliance to emerge that fully embraces 3rd generation thinking.
In reality, we have three camps of 1st generation Oromo leaders (Galaasaa for independence, Bulcha for federalism, and Haile Fida for integration), two camps of 2nd generation (Daud for independence vs federalism, Marara for federalism vs integration), and no fully formed 3rd generation camp yet. Initially, Abiy Ahmed and Lencho Lata seemed positioned to lead this, but Abiy has chosen to maintain the legacy of pro-Amharanet dictators at the expense of Oromummaa leadership.
Nevertheless, all Oromo forces have evolved from aspiring to be Solomonized Amarigna speakers to re-embracing their Cushitic identity through Afan Oromo. May Waaqa help them and the Oromo!
Galatooma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2016/12/0 ... -ethiopia/