Mereja.Forum

[Zmeselo]

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Beyond the Horizon of Rhetoric: Ethiopia’s Choice, Eritrea’s Red Line

Part two

Historical Claim

Ethiopia’s historical claims over Eritrea’s territory revolve around the hegemonic mythology of ‘Greater Ethiopian Empire’, spanning for more than 3000 years. The narrative of Greater Ethiopian Empire is adopted by external powers to their own ends, especially during the cold war period. Ethiopia is a representation constructed to project Western power in the geopolitically crucial horn of Africa and red sea arena. Hence, the Ethiopian state was invested with enormous emotional, political and material support to maintain superpower interests in the region. Ethiopia as a dependent colonial state was maintained both as a conduit to conquer ‘weaker states’ as well as a cushion to prevent war and fragmentation among competing European powers, vying to cash in on the vast natural resources’ endowment in the region (Holcomb and Sisai 1990).

Hence, Ethiopian political classes’ claim over Eritrean territory should be analyzed against this backdrop. In his recently released book

An African People’s Quest for Freedom and Justice,

renowned Eritrean historian, Alemseged Tesfai sheds light on how the ‘Grand Imperial Ethiopia’ narrative was pushed by Ethiopian scholars to [deleted] their claims of Eritrea as an integral part of Ethiopia, since time immemorial. This grand Ethiopian narrative is amplified largely by western scholars; who inexorably provide more coverage and prominence to narratives that promote the mythical representation of Ethiopia as an ancient civilization with over 3000 years of continued existence, while ignoring and silencing narratives that challenge this discourse of invented magnanimity. This conjured myth of civilizational magnanimity is so much misrepresented that the UNGA applied it when it passed resolution 390A(V) to forcefully federate Eritrea with Ethiopia, in 1952 (details will follow).

The aim here isn’t to dig deep into the pre-colonial history of African states. The critical period of history which defined the emergence and formation of modern African states as we know them today (including Eritrea and Ethiopia), is the European conquest of Africa? There is no question, those parts of Southern Eritrea, and parts of Northern Ethiopia did once form parts of the Axumite Empire (1st up to 7th A.D). But the Axumite Kingdom collapsed long before Columbus discovered America. The expansionist conquest of other people’s territory also continued in the 18th century by Abyssinian rulers at the behest of imperialist wester powers. Since, none among the imperialist powers had clear dominance of the region, they colluded with the Abyssinian rulers in order to ensure access to the Horn and avoid open conflict among themselves. Since the Abyssinian rulers were had the blessing of the European Great Powers, they were unrestrained in conquering other people’s territory; especially the territory North of the Mereb tributary. Alemseged Tesfai also captured this in his recent book saying

….since the mid-18th century, historical contacts of varying degrees and frequency existed between the two populations [Eritrea and Ethiopia]—closer and more frequent in the proximate kebesa, also known as Mereb Mellash; intermittent in the Bogos—Habab areas of the north; and virtually non-existent (except for raids and invasions) in the western lowlands, the metahit.

Prior to the 18th Century, the territories that we call today Ethiopia and Eritrea didn’t exist unified political entities. Alemseged notes that

modern Ethiopia, although the product of centuries of shifting centres of feudal power, mainly in Tigray, Gonder, Welo and Showa, and of attempts at conquest and unification by emperors Tewodros and Yohannes in the 1860s and 1880s, actually took shape with Menelik’s establishment of the Empire of Ethiopia at the end of the 1800s, during the Scramble for Africa.

Eritrea was also never a united entity prior to the European colonization of Africa. The Ottoman empire conquered the Red Sea coast (Mitsiwa’e) in 1557 and kept it until 1866. The Turkish didn’t have a full control of present-day Eritrea, but they left behind a collective memory of suffering that the ‘Turkish Colonization’ is a euphemism for the worst form of oppression one can endure. The Egyptians also controlled parts of present-day Eritrea to secure their influence on the source of the Nile and therefore invaded Eritrea in 1875. In all of these periods, none of the kings and emperors that ruled parts of present-day Ethiopia (post 1889) had treated Eritrea as part of Ethiopia. The Shewan king Menelik, never put a claim on a sea outlet. He was preoccupied with conquering more territories and expanding to the southwest, south and east, short of the seacoast (Bokretsion Haile, 2000).

Italy faced little resistance, when it established Eritrea as its colony. The little resistance that Alula put-up in Sehatit and Dogali was meant to stop Italian advances further south of its new colony; not to defend Eritrea. On the other hand, because the people of Eritrea had enough with the brutality of relentless raids and pillaging by warlords from the south, they collaborated with the Italians to call an end to the pillaging.

Now, the issue of whether precolonial Eritrea was connected to Ethiopia of the same period [precolonial], is less relevant in the current context. The real issue is as Alemseged rightly observed

what those historical contacts meant for the people whom Italy assembled together as on colonial territory?

In this sense, if, as Renan puts it, being a nation is

the possession in common of a rich legacy of memories; the present- day consent or the desire to live together; or the will to perpetuate the value of the heritage that one has received in an undivided form

then the past history that led to the emergence of present day Eritrea is one of a collective memory of suffering in the hands of successive campaigns of pillage, enslavement and annihilation by successive warlords, emperors and warlords from the south of the border.

Again, if the adage

one loves in proportion to the sacrifices to which one has consented, and in proportion to the ills that one has suffered

has any resemblance in the history of modern nations, it is its poignant relevance to the history of the Eritrean people.

Again, what binds African countries together are: i) the colonial boundaries that were established by European powers and ii) the emotional feeling of togetherness that they have formed as a result of their sufferings and some form of collective humiliation in the hands of successive colonial powers.

This isn’t to insinuate, that the people didn’t have a collective agency. In the case of Eritrea, Italy didn’t fill a barren territory with no human society and history. On the contrary, the society that inhibited present day Eritrea was a society of ‘autonomous communities’ with mutually reinforcing customary laws that govern their everyday lives and that transcend their ethnic, religious and tribal composition and diversity. In this case, Bairu Tafla challenges the historical narrative that takes Eritrea barely as a creation of Italian colonialism, with no collective history or any form of statehood. Bairu argues that the history of societies isn’t necessarily associated only with a particular form of political or civic organization that emerges in any particular moment. Any society gives historical substance to its collective activities regardless of the diversity of its political and economic forms. Bairu contends the historical quintessence of any society is constituted by

the daily life of the inhabitants, their beliefs and institutions, their laws and traditions, their trade and industry, their concerted actions for war or peace- in short, all spheres of activities of the society.

In this regard, the Eritrean people has enough collective experience, that makes up the history of diverse communities living in a given territory. Italy didn’t thus fill a territory that’s void of common history and experience. What came to be known as ‘Eritrea’ after the scramble for Africa is a community of collective historical memory that transcend social, ethnic, linguistic and religious divides.

There are plenty of works out there challenging the historical narrative of the Ethiopian political classes’ framing of Eritrea as an ‘amputated part of Ethiopia’. The recently released book by renowned Eritrean historian Alemseged Tesfai, is the most comprehensive scholarly rebuttal. Other works are that of Bairu Tafla, Bereket Habteselassie, John Sorenson, Bokretsion Haile, Holcomb and Sisai Ibssa, Richard Greenfield, Zemhret Yohannes…etc. we will limit our discussions on the fallacy of the historical narrative here and revert to dissect the veracity of the claims of Ethiopian political class on the validity of the Colonial Treaties, Eritrea’s right for Self-determination, the applicability of the law of the Sea, Eritrea’s referendum and the transition period in both Eritrea and Ethiopia…etc. we are discussing these issues not because there is a point of contention in as far as the legitimacy of Eritrea’s sovereignty and independence is concerned, but to provide a coherent rebuttal and expose the fallaciousness of the claims of Ethiopian political class.

[Zmeselo]

Blame and Deny: Ethiopian Political Class`s Obsession with Eritrea

Mewael Aron: @ERMedia91



Whenever Ethiopia enters a state of pan-Ethiopian decline, blaming Eritrea has become an almost instinctive reaction for the Ethiopian political class. In times of national crises, Eritrea conveniently serves as the scapegoating, a nostalgic excuse deeply ingrained in the Ethiopian political psyche. This fixation on Eritrea renders Ethiopian leaders captive to their own illusions at times of existential threat.

In every instance, Eritrea must loathsomely occupy central role in Ethiopia`s excuses. For example, Ethiopia`s struggling economy is blamed on Eritrea`s denial of a sea outlet. Political opposition in Ethiopia is said to threaten the government because,

Eritrea provides them with some sort of support.

This sensationalism surrounding Eritrea, has become a longstanding tradition in Ethiopia`s search for a unified national identity.

Today, Ethiopia teeters on the brink of collapse. Civil wars of various forms have eroded pan-Ethiopianism, once supposedly considered the fabric holding the nation together. A growing economic downturn continues to burden Ethiopians` quotidian life, while ethnic divisions confine the federal government`s authority to little more than governing the capital city.

In the face of such crises, Ethiopia`s political class has reverted to outdated justifications, desperately seeking explanation for the country`s unraveling. One of the emerging narratives coming from the so-called Ethiopian elites is the claim that Eritrea`s legal path to independence was constitutionally flawed and, therefore, should be revised. Though this argument may appear elegant and persuasive to uninformed readers, it is in reality shallow, ahistorical, and devoid of credibility. It fails on two fundamental levels, both stemming from a lack of historical understanding.

Firstly, attempting to disconnect Eritrea`s historic referendum from the long chain of events that preceded it renders the argument deprived of historical realities. Such a claim, riddled with inconsistencies, lacks any factual legitimacy. Forging history has long been a tradition among Ethiopia`s political and intellectual classes, making Ethiopian state history a source of suffering for its people. Unfortunately, this sycophant class has learned nothing; it always favors superficial solutions over confronting reality.

To provide historical context, Eritrea`s referendum was the culmination of a long and arduous struggle for self-determination. It was never a plea for Ethiopian approval of Eritrea`s independence, nor was it a request for validation from the Ethiopian people. If history is to be accurately referenced, the Eritrean struggle was a battle for a silenced voice that had been muted since 1952.

Despite Eritrea`s right to self-determination was recognized by international laws, including by the UN and OAU charters, the federal arrangement of 1952 suppressed its people`s voices. Numerous historical records, including a 1950 report from the American Consulate in Addis Ababa, indicate that approximately 75 per cent of Eritreans favored independence over federation with Ethiopia. Yet, global political interests ignored Eritrean aspirations and forcefully merged it with Ethiopia`s monarchy.

A defining example of this injustice is the infamous statement made by John Foster Dulles, a US Secretary of State in 1952:

From the point of view of justice, the opinion of the Eritrean people must receive consideration. Nevertheless, the strategic interest of the United States in the Red Sea basin and consideration of security and world peace make it necessary that the country [Eritrea] has to be linked with our ally Ethiopia.

This decision not only silenced Eritrean voices, but also denied them the very right to sovereignty that was granted to other African nations. What further evidence does Ethiopia`s political class require to acknowledge reality-unless its obsession with Eritrea`s independence is a pathological condition? If so, nothing can remedy it except an overdue reckoning with the truth: Ethiopia is slipping from its grasp, as its leaders remain trapped in outdated habits.

The second argument—that Eritrea`s self-determination was constitutionally invalid because the Ethiopian government at the time was transitional and unelected—is equally flawed. The claim suggests that since the transitional government lacked electoral legitimacy, it had no authority to approve Eritrea`s independence.

But, a major question remains: has Ethiopia applied electoral legitimacy in its governance at any time in history? Was the federal arrangement of 1952, approved by an elected government? If Ethiopia`s government in the 1950s had been democratically elected, perhaps federation with Ethiopia would have never happened, and the voices of Eritreans would have been heard. The three-decade war and the resulting devastation could have been avoided, sparing countless lives across the Horn of Africa.

Discussing about democracy in Ethiopia, raises another layer of complexity. The belief that Ethiopia has had a history of democratic governance is not only erroneous, but also lacks credibility about laying foundation for pan-Ethiopian nationalism. Ethiopia`s modern political experience, is primarily tied to the Ethiopian People`s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). However, assuming the EPRDF genuinely pursued democratic reforms is a naïve interpretation of Ethiopian history.

When EPRDF came to power in 1991, it transformed Ethiopia from a unitary state into a federal system based on ethnic divisions. Under this arrangement, historically class-based injustices were merely shifted into ethnic-based injustices. While Ethiopia`s current government resulted from nominal electoral processes, it has nonetheless placed the country in another existential crisis, with no clear resolution in sight. The so-called `democratic system` in Ethiopia, has yet failed to salvage Ethiopian nationalism. Instead, it has set the nation on a dangerous trajectory towards fragmentation.

Ultimately, the 1993 Eritrea`s referendum was neither an appeal for Ethiopia`s recognition nor was it a plea for seeking sympathy from Ethiopia`s political class. Instead, it was a celebration of a hard-won victory-a trophy of thirty years of relentless struggle against Ethiopian occupation and was a lamentation on the destruction and suffering that the Eritrean people had endured for decades. Above all, Eritrea`s independence was a reckoning for global powers that had muted Eritrean voices for self-determination in 1950s. If Eritrea support for self-determination stood at 75 per cent in the 1950s, it surged to 99.8 per cent by the time of the referendum. In short, Eritrea`s referendum forced world powers to face their mistakes and seek redemption for their historic wrongs.




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These days, PP political zealots/trolls seem obsessed with disparaging anything and everything Eritrean - from revising & distorting its ancient and contemporary history; to its cherished and persistent regional policies of promoting a safe neighborhood; to economic status and latent potential.

The problem is not confined to a case of short memories or pure malice.

The malaise essentially stems from, and is designed to rationalize, their insatiable quest and mindless pursuit of "ownership of a sea outlet"; which rests on coveting sovereign lands of its neighbours.

In as far as the discourse on economic progress is concerned, let us remember that Ethiopia has undergone, in the past two decades, through various rounds of debt relief under the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative and IMF bailouts among other intensive-care treatments.

Yes, the Horn of Africa region has a huge potential to embark on a sustainable development path. But this will be achieved and guaranteed in conditions of durable regional peace anchored on fundamental pillars of international law.

[Zmeselo]

ሻዕቢያ! ሻዕቢያ! ሻዕቢያ!



ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዉሽጣዊ ኩነታት ክፈልሕ ከሎ፡ ህዝባዊ ተቓዉሞ ክሕይል ከሎ፡ ስርዓት ሰንከልከል ክብል ከሎ: ሻዕብያ! ሻዕብያ! ዝብል ገዓር ዝለመድናዮ ኣመል ስርዓታት ኢትዮጵያ እዩ።

ኣብ’ዚ ቕንያት’ዚ ስርዓት ብልጽግና ኣብ ክሳዱ ዝመለሳ ገመድ፡ ትሽንቖቕ ስለ ዘላ፡ ብረታዊ ይኹን ሰለማዊ ተቓዉሞታት ህዝቢ ኢትዮጵያ ይገርር ስለ ዘሎ፡ ሻዕብያ ከም’ዚ ገበረ ሻዕብያ ከም’ቲ ፈጠረ ዝብል ጫውጫው ምዝያዱ ክገርመና የብሉን።

ኩሉ ግድላት ኢትዮጵያ መን ወለዶ፧ ሻዕብያ! ኣብ ኢትዮጵያ ዘሎ ባርዕ ተቓዉሞ መን ሃንደሶ፧ ሻዕብያ! እዚ መለቀቢ ዕድመ፡ መዐገሲ ቃንዛ እንተኾነ፡ ኢትዮጵያውያን ተረሳሲኖም ንዉሽጢ ገዲፎም ንግዳም ቁሊሕ ክብሉን እንተተደናገሩን ዝፈታትኖ ዘሎ ብላይ ሜላ ኣይሰርሐን። ዝያዳ ዝሓቕኖን ዝዕበድብዶን ዘሎ ግን እቲ ናህሪ ዝድልብ ዘሎ ድምጽታት ሰላም ኣብ መንጎ ኤርትራን ትግራይን’ዩ።

ክልቲኡ ህዝብታት ኤርትራን ትግራይን፡ ናብቲ ባህርያዊ ኩነተ-ዝምድና ከይምለስ ስርዓት ኣዲስ ኣበባ ክዘርጎ ላዕልን ታሕትን ይብል ኣሎ። ብሽመትን ገንዘብን ዝተዓስቡ ትግራዎት ይኹኑ፡ ካልኦት ከብዲ ዘመዶም ኢትዮጵያውያን- ተሰሚዑ ዘይፈልጥ ማይ ዘይጥዓመ ሓሶታት ተኾልኲሎም ሻዕብያ ሻዕብያ ይብሉ ኣለዉ።እታ ዕላማ ሓንቲ’ያ፣ ነታ ተቐልቂላ ዘላ ምቅርራብ ከይትምዕብልን ንቡር ሰላማዊ ጉርብትና ከይመጽእን’ዩ። ምስ ሻዕብያ ምቅርራብ “ካልእ ኲናት ክባራዕ’ዩ” እናበሉ ንህዝቢ ትግራይ ከባህርሩ ይፍትኑ፡ ገሊኦም ከኣ -

ሻዕቢያ ንተጋሩ ረገጽቲ ፈንጂ ክገብሮም ስለ ዝደለየ

እዩ ይብሉ።

እንታይ’ሞ ዘይተባህለ።

እዞም ካብ ዝቐደሙ መጋርያታት ክረብሑ ዝጸንሑ ነጋዶ ኲናት፡ ገና ካብ ደም ንጹሃት መንእሰያት ኢትዮጵያ ብፍላይ ከኣ ካብ ሕሰም ህዝቢ ትግራይ ክኸስቡ፡ ከም’ቲ ቅድሚ ሕጂ ፋብሪካታት ኣጥሪዮም ዝኸስዑ፡ሕጂውን ባህጎም ሕልሞም ሕምስምስ ምቕጻል’ዩ። ኣብ ትግራይ ብሓፈሻ ድማ ኣብ ኢትዮጲያን ዞባናን ቅሳነትን ርግኣትን ከይሰፍን ኢደበይዛ ሓንከርቲ ኮይኖም ወደኽደኽ እንተበሉ ከኣ ክድንጽወና የብሉን።

እንተ መንግስቲ ኤርትራ ግን ስቕታ ስለ ዝመረጸ - ዓቕሊ ጽበት ይህውጾም ኣሎ።

ንመጸኩም ኣለና ኲናት ክንከፍት ኢና

ሻዕብያ ከኣ ስቕ!

ሜካናይዝድ ኣሃዱታት ፌደራል ኣብ ዶባት ኤርትራ ኣጸጊዕና ኣለና

ስቕ!

ብክልል ዓፋር ንመጽእ ኣለና

ትም!

ብተከዘ ንመጽእ ኣለና

ትም!

ኣብ ስቕታ ዘሎ ሓይሊ ግን ዝፈልጦ ጥራይ እዩ ዝፈልጦ።

ደሓር ከኣ - ንዘይናኸስ ከልቢ እምኒ ምድርባይ ክሳራ’ዩ።




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[Zmeselo]

ብሕመቕ ከይንጽየቕ ነብስና ንሓሉ

@ERMedia91



ሕመቕ ዘየብቁል ምድሪ ወይ ከኣ ሕመቕ ዘይለግቦ ህዝቢ የለን። ብተፈጥሮኡ ዓዲ ንፉዓት ዝበሃል ውን የለን። ሕመቕን መንፍዓትን መካይድቲ እየን። ስራሕ ሓደ ህዝቢ፡ ጥቕሙ ፈሊጡ ንመንፍዓት ምንጋስ፡ ሕመቕን መንፍዓትን ከይዳወስ ምፍላይ እዩ ክኸውን ዘለዎ።

ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ ቀሲኑ ዝነብረላ ናጻ ሃገር ክፈጥር ኣብ ዘካየዶ ቃልሲ፡ መለለዪኡ ዝኾነ ባህሊ መንፍዓት፡ ውርዝና፡ ክብረት፡ ህርኩትና፡ ሓቅነት፡ ጅግንነት ወዘተ. ፈጢሩ’ዩ። ከምቲ ክርዳድ ዘይብሉ ስርናይ ዘይርከብ፡ ኣብ ውሽጢ’ቲ ብመንፍዓቱ ዝልለ ህዝቢ፡ ሕማቓት (ምስ ጥቕሉል ትርጉሙ) ከም ዘለዎ ዝከሓድ ኣይኮነን። ክፍለጥ ዘለዎ ሓቂ ግን፡ ህዝቢ ኤርትራ፡ መንፍዓቱ ንሕመቑ ስዒሩ ዘጥረዮ እምበር ዝተዓደሎ ጸጋ ኣይኮነን። ማዕረ’ቲ ምስ ጸላእትና ዘካየድናዮ ቃልሲ፡ ምስ ሕመቕና’ውን ኣበርቲዕና ተቓሊስናን መስዋእቲ ከፊልናን ኢና። ናይ መንፍዓት መጀመርታ፡ ሕመቕ ምሳኻ ወይ ኣብ ከባቢኻ ከም ዘሎ ምስትብሃልን ምእማንን’ዩ፣ ድሕሪኡ ዘይምቕባሉን ዘይምልማዱን። ኣብ መወዳእታ ከኣ ሕመቕካ ምርጋፍ እዩ። ሕመቕ ተሰኪሙ ርሑቕ ክጎዓዝ ዝኽእል ህዝቢ ወይ ወልቀ ሰብ የለን።

ቃልሲ ፍርቂ ዘበን ኤርትራዊ ኣብ 1991 ብናጽነት ክዛዘም እንከሎ: ንጸላእትና ብምስዓር ጥራይ ዝተረኽበ ዓወት ኣይኮነን። ቅድሚ ንጸላእትና ብመስተንክራዊ ወተሃደራዊ ብቕዓት (መንፍዓት) ብውግእ ምስዓርና: ንሕመቕና ኢና ስዒርና። ተጋዳላይ ሓደ ንዓሰርተ ገጢሙ ስዒሩ። ዘይሰዓር ፍጡር ክኸውን ዝኸኣለ ንነብሱ ካብ ሕመቕን ነውርን ስለ ዘጽፈፋ’ዩ። ምስ ሕመቑ ንኻልኦት ኣሕሚቁ ክዕወት ዝኽእል ሰብ ኮነ ህዝቢ የለን። እቲ ናጽነት ዘምጽአ መንፍዓት: ናጽነት ጋህዲ ምስ ኮነ ኣይቀሃመን። ንድሕሪት ከይምለስ ወይ ከይጅላሕ ብዝተገብረ ስራሕ ቀጺሉስ ብድሆታት ብምስጋር ናጽነትና ኣውሒስና ንርከብ። ሕጂ’ውን እንተኾነ፡ መንፍዓት ጫፍ ስለ ዘይብሉ ምንፋዕ ክንቅጽለሉ ይግባእ።

ሕመቕን ተጎሮን ሓደ እዮም። ተሓጺብካ ዝኣለኻዮ ቶጎሮ፡ ብስሩዕ ነብስኻ እንተዘይተሓጺብካ ይምለሰካ እዩ። ሕመቕ’ውን ከምኡ’ዩ። ካብ ኩሎም ዓይነታት ሕመቕን ነውርን ዘጽፈፍካያ ነብሲ ብቐጻሊ እንተዘይሓሊኻያ ሰፈር ሕመቕ ክትከውንን ክትንውርምን ኣብ ቀረባ እያ። ክንደይ ጀጋኑ እንብሎም ዝነበርና ምእንቲ ኤርትራ ሂወቶም ክህቡ ዝተሰለፉ ሰባት፡ ድሕሪ ግዜ ንኤርትራን ኤርትራውነትን ከጥፋኡ ዝተዓስቡ ዝረኣናሉ ምኽንያት ናይዚ ኣብነት እዩ።

ኤርትራ ካብ ሕመቕ ናጻ ሃገር ኢላ ኣይኣወጀትን፣ ኣብ ኤርትራ ግን ሕመቕ ጽሉእ፡ ዘይልመድን ዘይቅቡልን ተርእዮ እዩ። ክሳብ ሕጂ ሕመቕን መንፍዓትን ኣይተዳወሰን ዘሎ። ኣብ ኤርትራ፡ እንዳ ሕማቓትን ንፉዓትን ፍሉጥ ዶብ ኣለዎም። ነዚ ዶብ’ዚ ክሓዋዉሱልና ዝደልዩ ጸላእቲ ጽቡቕና ዝኾኑ ሰባት- ካብ ውሽጥና ውን ዘለዉዎ- ሰፊሕ ዘመተ ከካይዱ ጸኒሖም እዮም። ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ዓመታት ከም ኣካል ናይቲ ንምድኻምና ዝተሰርሐ ተንኮል፡ ነቲ መርኣይን መምዘንን ተግባራትና ዝኾነ ክብርታት- ባህላውን ሰውራውን ክብርታት- ፈሊኻ ንምውቃዕ ጠገለ ዘይብሉ ዓምጠርጠር ተዓዚብና። ብዙሓት ስድታት ደፋራት ሓደ እግሮም ኣብ ሕመቕ እቲ ሓደ ከኣ ኣብ ነውሪ ረጊጾም ንኽብርታት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንምፍራስ ደፊኦም። ደድሕሪ ሕመቕ ክንከይድ ምዒዶም፣ ኮኾብ ሰማይ ቆሚትካ ዘይኮነስ ድንኪ ብምዃን ጥራይ ኢኻ ከተርክቦ ትኽእል ዝብል ግልቡጥ ምህሮ ሕማቓት በዚን በቲን ሰሚዕና። ንኤርትራዊ ካብ ደንበ ኤርትራውነት ኣውጺእካ ናብ ደንበ ሕማቓት ኣእቲኻ ንምምርስሑ ብዙሕ ተሰሪሑ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ግን ነዞም ወንጌል ሕመቕ ክሰብኩ ዝተዓጥቁ ቆብ ስለ ዘበሎም፡ ሕማቓት ኢልዎም።

ሰብ ስለምንታይ ሓሚቑ፡ ደንቚሩ፡ ነውሪሙ ኣይበሃልን’ዩ፣ ናይ ዓቕሚ ጉዳይ ስለ ዝኾነ። ንሕመቕካ፡ ድንቁርናኻን ንውርምናኻን ከተስፋሕፍሖ ምፍታን ግን እቲ ዝዓበየ ገበን፡ ነውርን ሕመቕን እዩ። ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ንሕመቖም፡ ንውርምናኦምን ድንቁርናኦምን ‘ኣይገዝኦን’የ’ ኢሉ ናብ ዘድልዮ ምስ ወገነ፡ ብብድዐ ‘ደንቆሮ ህዝቢ’ ተባሂሉ’ዩ። ዝሕሸና ብምምራጽና ደናቁር ዘብለና እንተኾይኑ በቶም ጸርፊ ዝስልማቶም ከይንጽረፍ ኢልና ዘይጠቕመና ኣይንመርጽን ኢና። ዓወትና ክንደግሞ ክንደጋግሞ፡ ሕጂ’ውን ነፍሲ ወከፍ ኤርትራዊ ብሕመቕ ከይስነፍ ንነብሱ ሓለዋ ክወጸላ ይግባእ።

[Zmeselo]

“ስንክልና፡ ዕላማኻ ካብ ምትግባር ኣይዕንቅፍን’ዩ” ሓረስታይ ኣብርሃም ገ/እግዚኣብሄር

ጋዜጣ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ



ኣብ በራቒት ንእሽተይ - ንኡስ ዞባ ሰገነይቲ ኣብ ልምዓት ጀርዲን ተዋፊሩ መነባብሮ ስድራቤቱ ከመሓይሽ ዝኸኣለ ሓርበኛ ስንኩል ኣብርሃም ገ/እግዚኣብሄር፡ ድሌትን ተበግሶን እንተ’ሎ፡ ስንክልና ዕላማኻ ካብ ምትግባር ከምዘይዕንቅፍ ገሊጹ።

ኣብ ቃልሲ ንምምጻእ ናጽነት ኣእጋሩ ዝሰንከለ ተጋዳላይ ኣብርሃም፡ ንስንክልንኡ ከም ጉድለት ከይጠመተ፡ ኣብ’ቲ ልዑል ጉልበታዊ ጻዕሪ ዝሓትት ዓውዲ ልምዓት ፍረታትን ኣሕምልትን ብትግሃት ብምዕያዩ፡ ምህርቱ እናሰሰነ፣ ኣታዊታቱ ድማ እናዓበየ ከምዝመጸ ኣብሪሁ።

ሕርሻዊ ንጥፈታቱ ንምስፋሕ ካብ ባንክ፡ ሚኒስትሪ ዕዮን ማሕበራዊ ድሕነትን ከምኡ’ውን ካብ ሃገራዊ ማሕበር ሓርበኛታት ስንኩላን ኲናት ኤርትራ ዝወሰዶ ልቓሕ ብግቡእ ስለዝተጠቕመሉ፡ ዕዳኡ ከፊሉ ርቡሕ እቶት ይረክብ ከምዘሎ ድማ ገሊጹ።

ሓርበኛ ኣብርሃም ገረዝግሄር ዝውንኖ ሕርሻዊ ልምዓት፡ 500 ገረብ ኣራንሺ፡ ልዕሊ 100 ገረብ ፓፓዮ፡ ከምኡ’ውን ኮሚደረ ፈርዩዎ ይርከብ።




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Harnessing Youth Potential for a Resilient and Productive Agricultural Sector in Eritrea

Bana Negusse @shabait



Highlighting agriculture and youth

Agriculture, alongside livestock, forms the backbone of Eritrean livelihoods, sustains the national economy, and remains central to the country’s long-term developmental ambitions. Eritrea is mainly characterized by arid and semi-arid conditions, marked by minimal and highly unpredictable rainfall. According to recent estimates from the Ministry of Agriculture (MoA), the country has approximately 2.1 million hectares of land suitable for rain-fed agriculture and an additional 600,000 hectares that are viable for irrigation. Recent reports also suggest that nearly 500,000 hectares are actively cultivated, with more than 93 percent relying on modified rain-fed farming systems, while the remaining portion utilizes irrigation.

An estimated two-thirds of Eritrea’s population resides in rural areas, though urbanization is on the rise. Most individuals and households still depend on rain-fed agriculture and pastoralism for their livelihoods. Broadly, approximately 65 to 70 percent of the population is believed to rely on farming, livestock herding, and fishing as their primary means of subsistence.



While the agricultural sector has historically operated below its potential and efficient scale and scope, recent years have witnessed a positive transformation driven by substantial government investment and focused interventions by the MoA. These efforts elevate standards, enhance efficiency and productivity, and gradually steer the sector toward fulfilling its vast potential. As just one reflection, compared to the early 1990s, there has been a marked decline in the number of people living in poverty or experiencing food insecurity.

Livestock, in particular, holds immense value in Eritrea. Beyond being a key source of nutrition for countless individuals and households, livestock represents a critical economic and social asset – especially for low-income groups, women, and pastoralist communities. The livestock sector is growing not only in terms of quantity but also in local demand and broader significance. As national agricultural capacity expands, the role of livestock is becoming even more central to community well-being and economic stability.

Equally crucial is the role of Eritrea’s young population. As in many developing nations, youth comprise a substantial share of the population. According to figures from the National Statistics Office (NSO), nearly 40 percent of Eritreans are under age 15, while approximately 72.5 percent are under 35, illustrating a predominantly young nation with strong potential for a demographic dividend in the years ahead. While Eritrea is richly endowed with an array of natural resources, tremendous cultural and linguistic diversity, a strategic geographical position along one of the world’s most important maritime shipping lanes, and an extensive unspoiled Red Sea coastline, its youth are arguably its greatest national asset. Historically and today, young Eritreans contribute meaningfully across sectors, demonstrating remarkable resilience, work ethic, and promise.

Tapping into the vast potential of youth



The active involvement of young people in agriculture – both in Eritrea and globally – is vital for numerous reasons. First, youth can act as catalysts for innovation, advancing the adoption of modern agricultural technologies and practices. Their openness to new ideas helps facilitate the transition to more efficient and productive farming systems, ultimately contributing to increased food availability and affordability for communities across the country.

Furthermore, young people are at the forefront of global efforts to prioritize sustainability and environmental stewardship. Their growing engagement in agriculture can significantly promote eco-friendly practices, such as agroforestry, organic farming, and conservation agriculture that help mitigate the impacts of climate change. Their natural inclination toward experimentation and climate-smart approaches can aid in preserving soil, conserving water, protecting biodiversity, and strengthening resilience against environmental shocks.

This is especially important within the context of Eritrea remaining extremely vulnerable to climate change’s variegated and adverse effects, even though it accounts for among the smallest shares of total global greenhouse gas emissions. Both the country’s marine and terrestrial ecosystems have been negatively affected. Across the past 60 years, it is estimated that the country’s average temperature has risen by approximately 1.7°C, at an average rate of around 0.37°C per decade, with far-reaching consequences and multilayered, multidimensional impacts.



Beyond sustainability, agriculture offers youth a meaningful pathway toward steady, dignified employment and income generation. As in many developing regions, youth unemployment remains a critical challenge in Eritrea. The agricultural sector, including agribusiness and value-added services like food processing, packaging, and distribution, provides diverse opportunities for dignified work. This empowers youth economically, stimulates rural economies, and contributes to broader poverty reduction efforts. Importantly, increased youth participation can also help reshape public perceptions of agriculture, making it more appealing and relevant to the next generation.

In sum, young people hold a vital and transformative role in Eritrea’s agricultural sector. They bring with them boundless energy, creativity, and capability, offering a range of critical contributions. Supporting and investing in youth engagement in agriculture will be fundamental to addressing Eritrea’s pressing challenges – including food security, climate adaptation, and employment – while unlocking new opportunities for sustainable development and national progress.




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ኣብ ዝሓለፈ 20 ዓመታት ህዝቢ ኤርትራ ኣብ ዳግመ-ምግራብ ንኡድ ዕማማት ብምስልሳሉን፡ ሚኒስትሪ ሕርሻ ድማ ሕሩም ሕዛእቲ ብምትእትታውን፡ ሎሚ ሰፊሕ ካብ መሬት ኤርትራ ብኣግራብ ክሽፈንን ሓምላይ ክለብስን ይረአ ኣሎ።

[Fiyameta]

Very informative. Thanks for sharing!

[Zmeselo]

Very informative. Thanks for sharing!

ኻብ ትግራይ ዝተላእከ ጽሑፍ ... ጽምዶ ጽቡቕ እዩ ዝቕጽል ዘሎ ... ወዲ በሻሻ ጥርሑ ተሪፉ ሕጂ ዝስራሕ ፖሎትካ የለን...

⇉ ( ካብ ዛላምበሳ ለቒቑ) - ቅድሚ ሕዚ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ንዛላምበሳ ሓዊሱ ወሪሩ ካብ ዝሓዞም ሉዓላዊነታት ትግራይ ከምዘይወፀ እየ ብተደጋጋሚ እናፀሓፍኩ መፂአ። ልክዕ ድማ እየ ኔረ። ሕዚ ድማ ካብ ዛላምበሳ ወፂኡ ስለዘሎ ንቲ ሓቂ ክምስክር። እቲ ኣብ ዛላምበሳ ዝፀንሐ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ካብ ትማሊ ኣትሒዙ ክሳብ ሎሚ ወፂኡ ኣሎ።

እቲ ኣወፃፅእኡ እውን ሃንደበታዊ ኣይነበረን። ቅድሚ ክልተ ሰሙን ኣትሒዙ ምድላዋት እናገበረ ዝፀንሐ ኮይኑ ኣብ ዝሓለፈ ሓሙስ ናይ ሰራዊት መድረኽ ምልዕዓል ኣብ ዛላምበሳ ኣሰናዲኡ ናይ ምውፅኡ መዛዘሚ መድረኽ ገይርዎ እዩ። ኣብቲ መድረኽ ንተጋሩ ዓበይቲ ዓድን መራሕቲ ሃይማኖትን እውን ሓዊሱ ዝነበረ ኾይኑ ንሰላምን ሕውነትን ዝሰብኩ ሓሳባት ካብ ኣመራርሓን ኣባላትን ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ተሰሚዖም እዮም።

ብድሕሪ እቲ ንብረቶም እናጠራነፉ ድሕሪ ምቕናይ ዝበዝሕ ሓይሊ ትማሊ ወፂኡ ሓዲሩ እዩ። ሎሚ እውን እቲ ዝተረፈ ዝወፀአ ኮይኑ እታ ከተማ ሙሉእ ንሙሉእ ናፃ ወፂኣ ኣላ። ገጠራት እቲ ግምባር እውን ዳርጋ ኩሎም ዝለቐቖም ኮይኑ ኣብ ሓንቲ ቦታ ጥራሕ ዝተውኑ ወታደራት ዝሓዘት ሓይሊ ኣላ። ንሳ እውን ግን ንኽትለዓል ምድላዋታ ወዲኣ እያ። ብሓፂሩ ሰራዊት ኤርትራ ክሳብ ሕዚ ካብ ግምባር ዛላምበሳ ዘይዘፀ ዝነበረ ኮይኑ ሕዚ ግና ወፂኡ ኣሎ።

(Source: እዋናዊ ሓበሬታ)

[Zmeselo]

Eritrea’s Education Growth (1991–2023):

⋆ Total schools: from 214 to 1,926 (up by 900%)
⋆ Kindergartens: ↑ 1,280%
⋆ Elementary: ↑ 282%
⋆ Junior schools: ↑ 680%
⋆ High schools: ↑ 476%
⋆ Higher Education: ↑ 800%

‍ Teacher Growth:

⋆ Kindergarten: from 201 → 1,977
⋆ Elementary: from 3,647 → 12,110
⋆ Junior: from 783 → 5,507
⋆ High school: from 758 → 3,472

Eritrea’s increases in youth literacy have been recognized by UNESCO, as being among the biggest achieved anywhere in the world over the past 50 years.

― UNICEF




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[Zmeselo]

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[Abere]

I am laughing at Zeimeslo's Eritrea province's development indicators of statistical figures. He is pulling these from his behind. I his brain had two living cells, he would have posted (quoted) figures or indicators of Eritrea's regression. The regressive indicators are the most fiiting for the province of Eritrea. Please speak the truth, truth never kills; in the end it saves.

Even the monkeys sitting on the desert cactus tree of Eritrea never believe your numbers.