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Triangular Cooperation of Amhara, Tegaru, and Oromo Democrats Against the Biltsigina Regime

Post by OPFist » 02 Jun 2025, 05:13

Triangular Cooperation of Amhara, Tegaru, and Oromo Democrats Against the Biltsigina Regime

By Fayyis Oromia*

There is no doubt that the main political conflict in Ethiopia today is triangular—between the elites of the Amhara, Tegaru, and Oromo communities. The failures and miscalculations of these three elite camps have been central to the country’s current misery. These elites continue to beat the drums of war against one another, while the Biltsigina regime maneuvers between them, fueling confrontation as a tactic of divide and rule. How long this manipulation will sustain the regime remains to be seen.

I would like to urge the democratic forces within the Amhara, Tegaru, and Oromo blocs to shift their approach—from engaging in destructive triangular confrontation to promoting constructive triangular cooperation. Such collaboration could serve as Ethiopia’s most stable political foundation—what we might call a “Sostu Gulicha” (a three-legged stool)—not only for Ethiopia but also for the broader Horn of Africa and perhaps even the entire African continent.

The recent efforts by Ato Getachew Reda and Dr. Yilikal Kefale to reconcile their respective blocs are commendable. I hope that Obbo Shimelis Abdisa will soon join this democratic initiative. It is time for Amhara elites to demonstrate interest in learning Afaan Oromo and Tigrinya, if they want others to continue respecting Amharic. Promoting multilingualism in Ethiopia is not just a cultural virtue but a political necessity for transforming confrontation into cooperation.

Can the triangular democrats play an influential role in this transformation? Time will tell whether they will be the agents who finally put an end to the long history of oppression in Ethiopia. Just as the dictatorial regimes of the Amhara-Derg and Tegaru-Woyane came to an end, the era of Oromo-dominated Biltsigina dictatorship will soon follow.

The future belongs to democratic forces from all three nations. I hope a new democratic generation of Tegaru led by Ato Getachew, free from Woyane’s authoritarian legacy, and a new generation of Amhara, liberated from Dergist mentality, will soon cooperate with the democratic Qeerroo of the Oromo. Students from all three nations once united to overthrow the feudal monarchy in the 1974 revolution, and similarly, democratic forces today must unite against authoritarianism, regardless of its ethnic origin—be it Amhara Fanno extremists, Tegaru Woyane remnants, or Oromo Biltsigina loyalists.

Reflecting on Historical Regimes

Leaving aside the oppression by the monarchy until 1974, let’s examine the last three authoritarian regimes. The Derg favored Amhara elites and persecuted the Tegaru and Oromo. The Woyane regime empowered Tegaru elites while marginalizing the Amhara and Oromo. Now, Biltsigina appears to favor Oromo elites while attempting to suppress the Amhara and Tegaru. This elite-driven triangle of confrontation has cost the country dearly. We must transform this into a triangle of cooperation.

It is encouraging that negotiations between the OLA and OPP are now underway. A united Oromo force can be a stabilizing power for Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. The consolidation of Oromo leadership in Finfinne (Addis Ababa) and the elevation of Afaan Oromo to a federal working language are vital steps for transformation. “Oropia” (an Oromummaa-led Ethiopia) can only be at peace when built on inclusive principles. Tegaru elites have already begun to move toward cooperation; Amhara elites will likely follow, once extremist voices are marginalized. Oromo elites, now in a stronger position, must show magnanimity and accommodate liberal forces from both Tegaru and Amhara to realize triangular cooperation.

The Decline of Abiy Ahmed’s Support Base

Dr. Abiy and his administration have lost the support of all three primary ethnic blocs: Amhara, Tegaru, and Oromo. The Prosperity Party (EPP) is now politically isolated. By designating the TPLF and OLA—key organizations in their respective communities—as terrorist groups, Abiy declared war on both the Oromo and Tegaru. Meanwhile, he failed to meet the expectations of Amhara nationalists. Unlike Mengistu (who had Amhara backing) and Meles (who had strong Tegaru support), Abiy stands on no firm base. His mishandling of alliances, particularly his attack on the highly respected Oromo Liberation Army, has sealed his political fate.

The question now is: Who will follow Abiy? Amhara nationalists? Tegaru hegemonists? Oromo republicans?

Initially, Abiy received widespread support from all three groups. He was seen as a unifying figure capable of democratizing “Oropia.” But he soon lost credibility by centralizing power and transforming from a reformer into a dictator. With Oromo liberals entering power three years ago, it seemed we had entered a transition phase toward democracy. For this transition to succeed, the historical conflict between Amhara, Tegaru, and Oromo elites had to give way to cooperation. Sadly, Abiy failed to facilitate this transformation. Now, the resistance to EPP’s authoritarianism comes not just from extremist camps but also from democratic forces in all three communities.

National Question and Political Evolution

The root of Ethiopia’s political conflict remains the unresolved national question. While many Ethiopian politicians agree on democratic values—freedom, justice, human rights—they diverge sharply on the question of national self-determination. Abyssinian elites often refuse to acknowledge the legitimacy of demands for national autonomy from Oromo and other groups.

Within the Oromo community, political evolution can be observed in five levels:
- Unitary Empire Supporters – Those who deny Oromia’s existence and support the centralist status quo (e.g., Oromo figures in EZEMA).
- Pro-Federation, Pro-Domination – Those who recognize Oromia but support Abyssinian dominance (e.g., OPP).
- Autonomists – Those advocating Oromia’s autonomy within a federal union (e.g., OFC).
- Independence Seekers – Those calling for complete Oromia independence (e.g., ONP).
- Strategic Unionists – Those who support Oromia’s independence but envision a voluntary union of free peoples in the Horn (e.g., OLF).
It is vital to understand where individuals and parties stand within this spectrum, whether by conviction or as a tactical choice based on current realities. The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), for example, appears to tactically shift between levels 3 to 5, depending on the geopolitical context.

Toward Democratic Transformation

All anti-EPP forces—whether liberationist, federalist, or unitarist—must recognize this common ground: the need for a two-phase political strategy.
- Phase 1: Liberation from dictatorship.
- Phase 2: Democratization.
The second phase must allow all peoples to democratically decide their political futures. Any form of sovereignty—be it full independence, federal autonomy, or a unitary state—must be grounded in public consent. Without such democratic processes, we risk repeating the cycle of domination under a different ethnic elite.

If we genuinely seek to end Ethiopia’s misery and build a prosperous future, there is no alternative to democratization. The only opponents of this path are the dictators who fear it.

Oromo elites, now in a leading position, have the responsibility to initiate this inclusive cooperation. Let them help transform the Amhara–Tegaru–Oromo conflict into a durable triangular alliance. The time has come to build a democratic union of free peoples in the Horn.

The war Abiy’s regime is waging against the three primary nations is a futile exercise. Now is the moment for a united front. Wake up, all—it’s the right time.

Galatooma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/06/1 ... operation/