“Idaw Gebs” or “Idaw Nebs”? Don’t Mess With the OLF (Bilisummà/Freedom Mindset of the Oromo)!
By Fayyis Oromia*
Some Amhara elites with a Neftegna mindset bragged in this manner as they waged a devastating war against the Tigray people about three years ago. They believed that defeating the TPLF would be difficult, but dealing with the OLF in particular—and the Oromo people in general—would be as easy as “idaw gebs new” (as easy as brushing off grain husks). Now, having encountered the intelligent, nonviolent resistance rooted in the Oromo mindset of Bilisummà (freedom), represented by the OLF, they have begun crying out for their nebs (soul) or hiliwunnà (well-being).
Similarly, some Tigrayan elites with hegemonist attitudes once dismissed the OLF and the Oromo people by saying, “ye zinb bizat mesob ayikeftim” (you can’t tip a basket of flies). This was a condescending suggestion that the Oromo—Ethiopia’s largest population—lacked the power to remove a minority Tigrayan-led regime from the palace in Finfinné (Addis Ababa). But now, both hegemonists and Neftegna forces have become relics of the past, unlikely to return to power in Finfinne. They’ve learned the hard lesson: don’t underestimate or mess with the OLF.
Henceforth, the Oromo’s Bilisummà mindset must focus on dismantling Dr. Abiy Ahmed’s hybrid regime—a regime committed to preserving the legacy of Amaranet/Amarigna domination by obstructing the rightful elevation of Oromiffa and Oromummà to a leading role in Ethiopia.
Fano Movement vs. Qérrô Revolution
Can we compare the current Fànnô Movement (FM) to the Qérrô Revolution (QR) of 2018? Why hasn’t the FM garnered the support of Qérrô youth, the way the QR once received backing from Fànnô?
The answer is simple: the QR did not target the Amhara people. Instead, it focused on overthrowing the brutal TPLF regime (Dagimawi Derg). The QR never demeaned Amhara political forces or the Amhara public. In contrast, the FM launched its struggle by attacking three core pillars of Oromo identity:
- Onegawinet – the beloved symbol of the Oromo liberation movement;
- “Galla Invasion” – using a highly offensive, derogatory term;
- Oromummà – the foundational identity and inclusive ideology of the Oromo people.
With this misstep, the FM revealed a lack of political wisdom and leadership capable of winning Oromo hearts and minds—despite the fact that the Oromo are the most consistent and determined opponents of Biltsigina (Salisawi Derg).
Without Oromo support, the FM might be able to liberate the Amhara region but will never have the national impact that the QR achieved, particularly in the political center of Finfinne. The best way forward is for the FM to correct its errors and seek collaboration with Oromo and Tigrayan democratic forces. Perhaps a reformed Amhara Popular Force (APF), the TDF, and the OLF could unite in coordinated resistance against the authoritarian Salisawi Derg now in power.
Historical Context and the Way Forward
It is tragic to observe that for over 50 years, every nation within Ethiopia has fought desperately for human and national rights. From resisting the feudal monarchs, they moved into the clutches of three consecutive dictatorships:
- Qedamawi Derg (Mengistu)
- Dagimawi Derg (Meles)
- Salisawi Derg (Abiy)
Each regime wielded authoritarian power while favoring one ethnic group over others: the first favored the Amhara, the second uplifted the Tigrayans, and the third claims to represent the Oromo. In reality, none of them genuinely served the interests of these communities. Rather, they exploited ethnic divisions to maintain power.
There were many Amharas who resisted the Derg, many Tigrayans who opposed TPLF hegemony, and the vast majority of Oromos continue to fight against Biltsigina. Together, these democratic voices brought down Mengistu and Meles. There’s no reason the Abiy regime should be exempt. Now is the time for the APF, TDF, and OLF to come to their senses and work collaboratively against today’s dictatorship.
Amhara Representation in Dr. Abiy’s Cabinet
I once observed the dissatisfaction among some Amhara elites regarding Dr. Abiy’s cabinet reshuffling. But did he truly discriminate against the Amhara? It’s unquestionable that Amhara elites deserve the second-most influential political role in Ethiopia’s union—next to the Oromo, given demographic and political realities.
Five Amhara ministers compared to six Oromo ministers seems numerically fair. However, the real issue lies in the ranking of those ministries. Did Amhara representatives receive roles with adequate influence and national significance? If not, Dr. Abiy must correct this. Only a fair distribution of influence—reflecting Ethiopia’s diverse makeup—can ensure lasting peace in this multinational Cushitic land.
The Elephant in the Room: Amhara Unitarism vs. Oromo Unionism
Whether we like it or not, there’s a giant elephant in the room that most people avoid but which Biltsigina exploits expertly: the unresolved conflict between Amhara unitarists and Oromo unionists. This fundamental tension continues to block meaningful cooperation and the democratic transformation of Ethiopia.
Amhara unitarists hope the Oromo people will adopt their vision of a centralized Ethiopia. Meanwhile, Oromo unionists hope Amhara elites will wake up to the reality that the Oromo seek genuine self-rule—either within a democratic federation or via full independence. Both camps act as if their vision is the only one grounded in reality. But Biltsigina, [ deleted ] as ever, understands that these two major nations still do not trust one another—and it exploits that distrust to delay or destroy any inclusive change.
Time for Inclusive Democratization
I personally believe the time is now for an inclusive democratization of Ethiopia. Citizens and nations across the country are demanding it—especially as the fascist Biltsigina regime grows more oppressive. That’s precisely why the regime is working so hard to sabotage this process.
We know that if Biltsigina stays in power, we will suffer—not only as displaced refugees abroad but also as enslaved citizens within Ethiopia. Tragically, the lingering distrust between Amhara and Oromo elites remains the single greatest barrier to change. This historic face-off continues to benefit the regime, allowing it to rule without any serious, united opposition.
Biltsigina’s Scare Tactics and Political Manipulation
The Biltsigina regime thrives by manipulating fear and division. It tells different lies to different audiences to sow confusion and mistrust:
- In Oromo forums: “If democratization succeeds, Amhara elites will take over and dismantle Oromia.”
- In Amhara forums: “If democratization proceeds, the OLF will take power and destroy Ethiopia.”
- To the public: “If change comes, civil war will break out.”
- “Oromo forces will commit ethnic cleansing like Rwanda.”
- “There will be total chaos and bloodshed.”
These are classic scare tactics, designed to paralyze people into accepting dictatorship as the safer option. If pro-independence (Oromo, Ogaden, Sidama) and pro-unity (Amhara, Gurage, Harari) forces want change, they must be prepared to confront and overcome these tactics together.
The Middle Ground: Democratic Referendum
Can the two camps—pro-independence and pro-unity—agree on a middle ground? That is, can they accept a referendum as the ultimate solution, letting the people decide the future through a democratic process?
Those demanding unconditional independence must be willing to accept the public verdict, even if it favors continued union.
Those pushing for unconditional unity must also accept that the people might choose sovereignty and separation.
The principle is clear: only democratic independence or democratic unity—based on public will—can be a lasting solution. After all, whether we opt for political independence or political integration, the peoples of the region are deeply interdependent in culture, economy, and history.
Blind vs. Smart Nationalists
Unfortunately, some blind nationalists—on both Amhara and Oromo sides—fail to see their converging short-term goals, focusing only on diverging long-term dreams:
- Free Oromia (Oromo nationalists)
- United Ethiopia (Amhara nationalists)
But smart nationalists from both camps recognize the need to work together now to defeat Biltsigina. They understand that real freedom comes from respecting the public will—through referenda—not from top-down imposition.
Blind nationalists preach democracy but are not ready to practice it. They want to impose their long-term goals without listening to their own people. In contrast, smart nationalists believe the people must decide—not elites.
The “Y” Model: A Visual Metaphor for Ethiopian Politics
Let’s use a metaphor to better understand this:
Imagine the letter ‘Y’ with four points:
- Bottom: Ethiopia under TPLF tyranny
- Middle junction: Freedom for both Amhara and Oromo
- Top left: Oromia’s independence
- Top right: Democratic Ethiopian unity
The common struggle from the bottom to the junction represents the joint fight of the Amhara and Oromo peoples to free themselves from TPLF tyranny. From there, each group can pursue its own long-term goal—either Oromia’s sovereignty or Ethiopia’s unity. But the journey to freedom must be made together.
After that, if the Oromo majority votes to remain in a united Ethiopia, the Oromo elite’s vision aligns with that of the Amhara. If the people vote for independence, that verdict must also be respected.
Three Paths of Struggle for Freedom
Throughout the liberation journey, three strategies have been tried:
- Armed struggle – Used by the OLF and others; powerful but lacked international support.
- Electoral struggle – Attempted by the OFC and democratic federalists; failed due to lack of fair elections.
- Popular uprising – Most effective, as seen in the Qérrô movement and other regional protests.
Unfortunately, due to uncoordinated efforts and elite polarization, these uprisings didn’t reach full success—until elites from multiple oppressed nations formed an alliance. That coordinated push brought about real change against TPLF. It can do the same against Biltsigina—if unity is restored.
TPLF’s Media Manipulation and Divide-and-Rule Strategy
One reason for the failure of the previous revolutionary movements was the strategic sabotage by TPLF operatives. During the Qérrô-led uprisings, both Afàn Oromô-speaking TPLF sympathizers and Amharic-speaking cadres worked tirelessly to undermine solidarity:
- In Oromo communities, they posed as supporters of Oromo rights while quietly discrediting the broader Ethiopian democratic movement.
- In Amhara communities, they framed the Oromo movement as separatist and dangerous to national unity.
This media manipulation ensured that the fire of inclusive revolution never spread wide enough to burn away the tyrannical roots of the system. These same tactics are now being perfected and recycled by Biltsiginnà.
The Elephant Must Be Faced, Not Avoided
If democrats from both the Oromo unionist and Amhara unitarist camps truly desire democratization and the downfall of Biltsiginnà, they must stop avoiding the elephant in the room. They must face it squarely and honestly.
- Neither side can cheat, outmaneuver, or dominate the other without consequences.
- A compromise solution is no longer a luxury—it is a necessity.
- Public referendum should be the final arbiter. That’s the only path to true legitimacy, whether the outcome favors independence or unity.
Far too often, elites in both camps preach democracy but fail to practice it when it threatens their long-term visions. But true democracy means trusting the people.
A Democratic Union or a Peaceful Divorce
The future of Ethiopia need not be bleak—if we plan it together.
The two largest nations, the Oromo and the Amhara, have the power to save the country or bury it. They can choose:
- A democratic federal union where all nations are self-governing, yet cooperative—respecting human and national rights; or
- A peaceful separation, where each nation governs itself, just like Czechia and Slovakia, who parted ways respectfully and now thrive as neighbors.
Let’s not repeat Sudan’s tragic lesson, where millions died before the eventual birth of South Sudan. Why wait for bloodshed to respect a people’s will?
The Role of Abiy Ahmed’s Government
If Dr. Abiy Ahmed and his regime are truly interested in inclusive democratization, they must:
- Recognize the plurality of Ethiopia and the equal rights of all nations.
- Ensure fair political representation, especially in cabinet rankings and national leadership roles.
- Acknowledge the rightful demand of the Oromo people for Bilisummà (freedom), whether within a union or through a referendum.
If not, he is no better than his predecessors—Mengistu’s Qedamawi Derg or Meles Zenawi’s Dagimawi Derg. His current regime, the Salisawi Derg, may go down in history as the final symbol of centralized oppression.
The Final Appeal: Unity in Diversity or Division with Dignity
It is time for:
- Democratic Oromo nationalists to accept a public verdict, even if it favors union.
- Democratic Amhara nationalists to respect Oromo self-determination, even if it leads to independence.
In this era, no nation can be ruled against its will. No true unity can be sustained without consent.
Thus, the path forward is:
- Freedom first, through coordinated struggle against Biltsiginnà,
- Then, democratization via public will,
- And finally, either a consensual union or a dignified, peaceful separation.
That is how we honor the blood, tears, and sacrifices of all Ethiopian nations over the last five decades.
In Closing
Let us reject blind nationalism and embrace smart, democratic nationalism—rooted in justice, equality, and public consent. Only then can we dismantle Biltsiginnà’s fascism and lay the foundation for a future where all Ethiopian nations, including Oromia, Amhara, Tigrai, Sidama, Ogaden, and others, can live with dignity—either as equal partners in a union or peaceful neighbors after separation.
Let Wàqà (God) help us see the truth, confront our fears, overcome our divisions, and fulfill the democratic dreams of our people.
Galatooma!
REad more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/06/0 ... iltsigina/