The Concept of Oropia (Oromummà-led Ethiopia) Is Not Necessarily Political Correctness, but Surely Political Reality!
By Fayyis Oromia*
Almost all Oromo politicians are very cautious when it comes to speaking about and working toward the idea of Oropia (an Ethiopia led by Oromummà), because they believe it is not politically correct, and at the same time, it may sound as though the Oromo seek to dominate the country by replacing Amhara dominance. I believe this view is fundamentally wrong.
Firstly, I am advocating for Oromummà leadership, not domination. There is a significant difference between the two: leadership is a legitimate role earned through a democratic process—often influenced by demographic and geographic advantage—while domination refers to authoritarian control, which the Amhara elites historically pursued and wish to maintain by suppressing the Oromo and other nations.
Secondly, this leadership rooted in Oromummà is inevitable, as global trends favor democratization. This trend will naturally position the Oromo in an advantageous place. Thus, Ethiopia evolving into Oropia is not just a political possibility, but an impending reality—whether it is openly discussed or not.
Recently, Dr. Abiy Ahmed gave a powerful response to those accusing Oromo forces of dismantling Ethiopia. He said:
“The Oromo will never disintegrate Ethiopia, because Itiyophiyan inifeligatalen — we need the country united as it is.”
What a beautiful reply! Only a short-sighted Oromo would settle for a “net salary” (Oromia), when we have the potential to earn a “gross salary” (Oropia). I hope the OLF, as the self-declared vanguard organization, will also embrace the idea of Oropia. Ethiopia has enormous potential and could be more valuable than even a territory rich in gold, oil, or marble.
Habesha elites understand that democratizing Ethiopia means transforming it into Oropia—where Oromummà plays a central role. Some Oromo elites are also beginning to grasp this reality. That’s why many Habesha elites only pay lip service to democracy; they realize that real democracy could shift the power balance.
Some Oromo elites still don’t understand this shift and continue to oppose the democratization of the empire. But logically, a democratic Ethiopia is already de facto Oropia—larger and more inclusive than the Oromia envisioned by the OLF. When I once gave a quick response to an Ethiopianist Oromo urging us to embrace Ethiopianism at the expense of Oromummà and Oromia, I received both criticism and support from Oromo nationalists via email. Critics argued that the federalists’ goal of a genuine democratic Ethiopia is not equivalent to the integrative Oropia I propose, suggesting it would only perpetuate the Abyssinian empire.
In my view, Oromia within the framework of a democratizing Ethiopia is a transitional solution—a path either toward an inevitable independent Oromia or a fully integrative Oropia. Even this transitional democratic Ethiopia can be considered de facto Oropia if we start calling it that now, asserting our vision without waiting for approval. Making Afaan Oromo the working language of this future federation would be a major step forward. This essay aims to show how doing so can make Ethiopia—by function and content—Oropia.
Language, Power, and Identity
Only Abyssinian elites and a few culturally assimilated individuals from other nations oppose the vision of Oropia grounded in genuine ethnic federalism and internal self-determination. In reality, Oropia is a compromise solution: enabling both national autonomy and regional integration.
The Abyssinian elite’s refusal to support self-determination makes it hard for them to form alliances with other national forces against the TPLF. They often promote unconditional unity at the expense of self-determination, making it a precondition for political alliance. Some Oromo nationalists say they’ll accept this only if Abyssinian elites accept one core Oromo demand: making Afàn Oromô the sole working language of the federation instead of Amharic.
Let’s test this: will the same elites who claim to be pro-unity and anti-ethnicity still support unity if Amharic is relegated to the Amhara region and Afaan Oromo becomes the federal language? I doubt it. If they do, then let’s try a new version of “Ethiopiawinet” that equals de facto Orompiawinet, expressed through Afàn Oromô.
Historical Language Injustice
Over the past century, Amharic was imposed at the expense of Afàn Oromô. Oromo leaders like Ob. Qusé Dinagde and Ob. Gobena Dàcé, often praised as empire-builders, made a critical mistake by accepting Amharic as the sole national language. Had they promoted Afaan Oromo, today’s linguistic and cultural dynamics would be different. The elite of Finfinne and the global Ethiopian diaspora would likely speak Afàn Oromô and embody Oromummà rather than Habeshanet.
Today, to correct this imbalance, we must recognize the false moral superiority of some elites who call themselves pro-Ethiopiawinet while opposing ethnic politics. They don’t realize Ethiopiawinet, as it stands, is a euphemism for Amharanet. If we flip the roles—making Afàn Oromô the federal language—Oromo elites will embrace Ethiopiawinet, and Amhara elites may turn toward ethnic nationalism to preserve their identity.
Oromo demands for Afàn Oromô as the federal language are not about supremacy but about showing the discomfort of linguistic dominance through role reversal. If Abyssinian elites truly believe in democracy, they must include in it the people’s right to decide their future—including via referendum.
Language Options for the Future Union
Here are five possible solutions for the language conflict in a future Ethiopian union:
- Union of free nations, each using their national languages locally, with English as a common federal language.
- Union with Afàn Oromô as the sole federal working language.
- Union with five federal languages: Afàn Oromôo, Amharic, Somali, Tigrinya, and English.
- Union with two languages: Afàn Oromô and Amharic.
S- tatus quo: Amharic as the sole federal language (a failed model).
Currently, even democratic Abyssinian elites tend to favor the fourth option, while Oromo elites lean toward the first. But if the Abyssinian elites reject national self-determination and insist on unconditional unity, they must be willing to try the second option to experience what unity means with Oromummà as its essence.
Final Reflections
Why did the TPLF promote Amharic over Afàn Oromô for 27 years? To maintain division and rule by deepening conflict between the Oromo and Amhara. This language imbalance has led to political and cultural tensions that still exist. Amhara elites, even when oppressed under TPLF, are seen as privileged due to their language’s dominance.
To build a union that respects all peoples, we must consider an inclusive language policy. Children across all nations should learn only their mother tongue and an international language like English, not be forced to learn multiple “dominant” languages.
If Abyssinian elites truly accept ethnic federalism, an alliance between democratic Habesha forces and Oromo freedom fighters becomes more feasible. The terminology may vary—”multi-national federation,” “union of autonomous nations,” “United States of Nations”—but the principle remains the same: national autonomy within an integrated regional union.
Conclusion
A democratized Ethiopia (de facto Oropia), as envisioned by federalist Oromo leaders like Dr. Abiy, is acceptable as a transitional solution. This path leads either to an integrative de jure Oropia—if all nations agree to the transformation—or to an independent Oromia. A federal union with democracy, freedom, Afàn Oromô as the primary working language, and the Gadaa system symbolized by Odaa at its core, can be a noble alternative to full independence.
May Wàqa guide us all toward justice, equality, and peaceful coexistence.
Galatôma.
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/05/1 ... d-country/