Message to Dr. Abiy: No Mercy for the Bandit Fanno—Then Get Rid of Shabiya to Secure Assab!
By Fayyis Oromia*
I believe Dr. Abiy is on the right track regarding the Oromo cause. However, he still needs to win two wars: the ongoing one against the bandit Fanno, and the inevitable one against Shabiya in order to secure a vital port for Oropia (an Oromummaa-led Ethiopia). The two competing camps in Ethiopia are now clearly defined and crystallized. It has become a power struggle between the Amhara elites and the Oromo elites, with other groups aligning themselves with one of these two blocs.
Interestingly, Meles Zenawi was able to silence the power-hungry Naftagna forces when they tried to challenge him. So why hasn’t Abiy Ahmed done the same?
I believe there are two main reasons. First, Abiy has a soft heart toward them and wanted to keep them close in order to balance the influence of true Oromo nationalists, who could seriously challenge his power. Second, the Amhara elites can accept the leadership of their “Semitic Tigrean brothers,” but they can never tolerate being ruled by the so-called “inferior Gallas,” whom they believe are incapable of leading the country.
To prove their theory, they are doing everything in their power to demonstrate that Abiy, as an Oromo, cannot govern effectively. Dr. Abiy resembles a fool sleeping beside a scorpion—believing the scorpion to be friendly and harmless.
I am fully convinced that for a genuine Oromo nationalist—someone with a clear vision to address all Oromo questions—silencing the extremist Naftagnas would be far easier than it was for Meles Zenawi. I hope Dr. Abiy will gain the necessary experience, return wholeheartedly (not just tactically) to the Oromo camp, and unite all Oromo forces to confront the threat posed by the Naftagna bloc. After eliminating the bandit Fanno, he must secure Assab as a vital port by dismantling Shabiya.
I once heard Jawar Mohamed say, “The war between the OLA and Biltsigina soldiers is a quarrel within the Oromo family.” Does this mean Dr. Abiy’s regime truly represents Oromo rule? I don’t believe so. In reality, the Derg regime was a direct Amhara rule in the French model, Woyane was an indirect Tigrayan rule in the English style, and Biltsigina represents a subtle, [ deleted ] rule of “Hybrids”—individuals determined to preserve the ongoing domination of Amarigna/Amharanet at the expense of Afaan Oromo and Oromummaa.
The Oromo people achieved 25% liberation through the revolution against the monarchy, 50% by removing the Derg, and 75% by dismantling Woyane. We will only be 100% free when we replace the Biltsigina regime.
Only then can we achieve the legitimate rule of the majority—a democratic Oromo rule in Ethiopia, or Oropia. However, dismantling the deceptive regime of Dr. Abiy is not so easy, because even some genuine Oromo nationalists have been misled by the Hybrids, who appear to represent Oromo rule simply because they speak Afaan Oromo. In truth, many of them are Hybrids (or diqalas)—by marriage, by physical identity, or by mentality. They have even managed to deceive brilliant minds like Jawar.
Interestingly, the last three regime changes in Ethiopia failed to bring about the legitimate leadership of Oromummaa, largely due to the influence of the three dictators’ wives. After the 1974 revolution, Mengistu—himself of Oromo background—was dominated by his Amhara wife from Gojjam and chose to uphold Amharanet at the expense of Oromummaa. Following the 1991 shift, Meles Zenawi, a Tigrayan, came under the influence of his Amhara wife from Wolqayit and similarly chose to perpetuate Amharanet domination. Now, after the 2018 reform, Abiy, an Oromo, is again ruled by his Amhara wife from Gondar, and has betrayed the Oromo cause to maintain the ongoing dominance of Amharanet.
These three dictators, though not ethnically Amhara, were effectively Amharanized—through marriage and mentality—and chose to serve the system of domination rather than advancing Oromummaa to its rightful leadership position. Surely, this will change in the near future, and pro-Oromummaa democrats will prevail over the fading pro-Amharanet dictators.
The reality on the ground is that the Oromo, as a nation, have been engaged in a liberation struggle for the past 150 years. We successfully overcame feudal regimes and the brutal fascist governments of Mengistu and Meles. However, we have repeatedly fallen short due to self-sabotage by mentally enslaved Oromo elites.
Today, we face the most deceptive and subtle form of oppression yet: the Oromo fascist regime of Abiy Ahmed. Though it outwardly claims to support the Oromo, in truth it stands firmly against both the Oromo people and the ideals of Oromummaa. Because the regime wears an Oromo face, it has prevented Oromo nationalists from uniting in opposition. We are now divided into two camps: anti-Abiy and pro-Abiy.
In reality, Abiy’s regime is a continuation of the two earlier anti-Oromo regimes. He has betrayed the Oromo struggle and is now committed to maintaining Amharanet domination at the expense of Oromummaa’s rightful leadership. That’s why we refer to his government as a neo-Naftagna regime wearing an Oromo mask—almost identical in structure and intent to Mengistu’s Derg.
The repeated demonstrations in Washington, D.C. are clear signs of the irreconcilable divide between the forces of Amharanet/Naftagnanet—now aligned with the government of the EPP (under Dr. Abiy)—and the forces of Oromummaa/Netsanet, who stand firmly opposed to it. The current struggle is between these two blocs.
This is why Oromo activists must remain in a state of resistance against these alien and oppressive forces. The struggle for bilisummaa (freedom) is far from over. We are still in a phase where our sovereignty (walabummaa) is hindered, and we are prevented from fully implementing our programs and aspirations.
The primary obstacle to our progress is the ruling party—the EPP. Supported by classical Naftagna forces, it stands squarely against Oromo freedom and sovereignty. Its leaders tread carefully, always cautious not to offend their Habesha allies. Therefore, Oromo activists must continue to press for our liberation by applying pressure on the EPP—and using effective means to confront the Naftagna forces that back it.
Much has been said and written about the importance of Oromo unity in achieving our ultimate goals: the freedom of the Oromo people and the sovereignty of Oromia. To clarify what we mean, let me first provide operational definitions of two key terms: unity and freedom.
Unity is the state of being undivided—complete, whole, and lacking nothing. It represents the smallest whole number, signifying totality. Unity involves combining various parts, elements, or individuals into an effective and cohesive whole. It applies to both people and concepts, signifying oneness in the presence of division.
Freedom, on the other hand, may refer to liberty—the ability of an individual or collective to act according to their own will. In our context, this includes the liberty of the Oromo people. It may also refer to the liberation of a place from tyranny—for example, freeing Ethiopia from the oppressive rule of the EPP regime.
According to the known history of the Oromo, it was our unity under the democratic Gadaa system that enabled us to defend ourselves against all forms of invasion until the mid-nineteenth century. The erosion of this unity began when some Oromo groups in the northern, central, and western regions of Oromia started to embrace monarchy as their administrative model, replacing Gadaa.
A case in point is the Yejju Oromo dynasty, which even ruled over Abyssinia from the mid-sixteenth to the mid-nineteenth century. However, the brutal campaign of King Theodros of Abyssinia—supported by the British Empire—marked the beginning of our loss of political power and territorial control to Abyssinia. Eventually, King Menelik of Abyssinia completed the occupation of Oromia. Since then, the Oromo have consistently called for unity to resist and overturn this occupation.
We should have no illusions about the occupation of Oromia by Abyssinia. It is comparable to Ethiopia’s occupation of Somalia in 2007—an action condemned by nearly the entire international community. The only real difference is timing: Oromia was occupied during the colonial scramble for Africa, a period when such occupations were not widely opposed by the global community.
To explain the different reactions of the Oromo and the Somali people to Abyssinian occupation, I offer the following parable: If you drop a frog into boiling water, it will immediately jump out and save itself. But if you place it in comfortably warm water and heat it gradually, the frog adapts to the rising temperature and eventually dies without resistance.
In the same way, the Oromo people have adapted over the last 150 years to the slow and systematic occupation by Abyssinia, while the Somalis, who were not yet conditioned to such rule, reacted swiftly to defend their sovereignty—like the frog that leapt from the boiling pot.
To end the occupation, the Oromo people’s most powerful tool is unity. The Abyssinian ruling elites recognized the threat of Oromo unity from the outset. That’s why they divided Oromia into multiple provinces—to serve their divide-and-rule agenda. This tactic has been used historically, and it is still being exploited today.
In particular, the EPP is actively using these colonial-era provincial identities—imposed by the conquerors—as a tool to create division among Oromos. Examples include pitting Wellega against Arsi, Shoa against Wellega, and Hararge against Arsi. Over the past four years under EPP rule, this divisive rhetoric has become common in forums and discussions. EPP cadres are deliberately fueling these divisions as part of their strategy.
Our enemies’ ongoing efforts to divide the Oromo community—both socially and politically—have succeeded to some extent. A clear example is the fragmentation of the OLF since 1978. Aside from General Wàqo’s UOPLF, all the factions we see today are splinters of the original OLF. This fracturing of our primary liberation organization into smaller groups is the very opposite of the unity we desperately need to achieve freedom.
Some try to justify the splits by claiming differences in objectives. Personally, I believe such arguments about “original goals” versus “new visions” are unhelpful. In truth, all Oromo political groups share the same objective—liberation. What differs is their strategy.
Take, for example, the OFC, which advocates for Oromia’s autonomy within Ethiopia. This position reflects a tactical choice, based on political realities. Others promote the principle of self-determination—not as mere rhetoric, but as a strategic tool aligned with international norms and laws. Then there are those who speak plainly: our goal is the freedom of the Oromo people and the independence of Oromia.
Importantly, self-determination is a process. A liberated people may choose between two outcomes through a referendum: autonomy within a union, or independence outside the union. Therefore, both the struggle for autonomy and the fight to secure the right to a referendum are vital steps on the roadmap to full liberation—culminating in Oromia’s independence.
Fortunately, in contrast to the efforts of Abyssinian domination forces to divide and rule the Oromo, various Oromo liberation forces have consistently called for unity—and continue to do so today. What efforts have been made so far in this direction? Let me highlight a few key examples:
The Maccaa-Tulema Association has worked to bring together Oromos from all regions and religions.
The OLF leadership, despite coming from diverse backgrounds, stood together and even died together when attacked by Somali forces—rejecting attempts to divide them along religious lines (Christian vs. Muslim).
The Oromo community at large has called for unity by demanding an end to the internal propaganda and infighting among Oromo political organizations.
Many Oromo artists have created music promoting unity, and Oromo scholars have written powerful articles supporting the same message.
Finally, countless Oromo individuals—in everyday life and across different walks of society—have actively lived and practiced this unity, pushing back against efforts by our enemies to fragment Oromia.
Now, we are beginning to see encouraging results from our efforts to promote unity. Various Oromo groups have started calling for reconciliation and reunification among the different Oromo political organizations. For instance, the two main Oromo political organizations operating legally within Ethiopia have formed an alliance under the name Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC).
Meanwhile, OLF leaders have resumed the process of reconciling the fragmented OLF factions. Encouragingly, these factions have begun to support and advocate for the leadership’s reconciliation efforts. Some political groups have already chosen to merge into a single organization under the name OLF.
Most promising of all is the growing consensus that all Oromo political organizations fighting for Oromo freedom and the independence of Oromia should unite under a common front. The goal is to eventually consolidate into one OLF—with a clear objective, unified leadership, and a strong liberation army. These are highly encouraging developments. Particularly commendable is the reconciliatory tone now present among OLF factions, free from the destructive propaganda of the past.
Thanks to Waaqa, we are beginning to see the fruits of our resistance against the EPP’s propaganda campaign, especially in the digital space. That campaign was heavily focused on dividing the Oromo liberation camp—and they invested enormous resources, energy, and time to do so.
Their methods included exploiting divisions based on region, political party, and religion. They also tried to manufacture internal conflicts—such as leaders vs. members, new generation vs. old generation, elites vs. ordinary people, and so on.
But now, their efforts are beginning to fail. The Oromo are actively reclaiming our unity—strengthening our shared resolve for freedom. And this unity is the most powerful antidote to the enemy’s strategy of “divide and rule.”
Looking ahead, I recommend the following essential steps: After consolidating the unity of Oromo federalist parties under the OFC, and unifying the Oromo liberation fronts under the OLF, we must further organize and coordinateall Oromo self-determination forces.
These forces are active across various sectors—within the ruling party (OPP), opposition parties (like OFC), and liberation movements (like OLF). However, we must clearly distinguish between OPP as an institution—which serves as a mercenary tool of the Naftagna elites to subjugate the Oromo—and individual Oromos within the OPP, who fall into three categories: comrades, slaves, and criminals.
Comrades are non-criminal Oromo individuals in the OPP who, whether under pressure or personal conviction, work in their own way for the Oromo cause.
Slaves are those who, unknowingly, serve the enemy’s agenda against Oromo interests. This may be due to upbringing or mental conditioning—having internalized anti-Oromo attitudes despite being Oromo by blood.
Criminals include both Oromo and non-Oromo members of the EPP who actively commit crimes against the Oromo people and sabotage the liberation movement. Their actions must not only be condemned but also documented in history—for future generations to remember and learn from.
To achieve true unity among Oromo groups, we must actively work for it. Unity cannot be realized through songs, speeches, or writings alone. Every Oromo individual and organization must take responsibility and play a role in building and sustaining it.
So, what does that work look like? It includes:
Stopping propaganda and internal attacks against one another.
Becoming part of the solution, not the division.
Contributing talent, money, and time to strengthen unity.
Being pragmatic and active in Oromo communities, civil society, and political parties.
Monitoring our speech and writings to ensure they promote Oromo unity—not division.
Unity must be built with intention, discipline, and daily action.
Beyond uniting all Oromo organizations for freedom, we must also form coalitions with other oppressed nations to jointly pursue the right to self-determination. Additionally, we may need alliances with democratic Abesha forces—those who genuinely believe in freedom, democracy, and human rights, including the right of nations to self-determination, whether that leads to a union or independence.
Such forces may be open to the idea of a union of free peoples in Ethiopia—a foundation that could also support the vision of a United States of Africa. It is important to clarify that collaboration does not mean surrendering Oromo sovereignty. Rather, it means working together toward both Oromian national independence and, potentially, a voluntary Ethiopian regional union (i.e., national independence with regional union).
The only major opposition to this vision comes from unitarist Amhara political groups, who are deeply opposed to decentralization or the right of nations to determine their own destiny.
So, my recommendation to all Oromo individuals and organizations is this: Let us act with greater wisdom and promote Oromo unity through our songs, speeches, and writings. At the same time, we must be alert to EPP cadres, who speak and write as though they are Oromo, yet whose underlying message is aimed at dividing and dismantling the Oromo liberation movement.
In addition to these “smart” adversaries, we also face the challenge of naive Oromo individuals—those who, knowingly or unknowingly, echo the rhetoric of our enemies and stand against the unity we so desperately need for our freedom.
As I have tried to demonstrate above, we lost our freedom when we lost our unity. Therefore, the path back to freedom lies in rebuilding that unity of purpose. It is the most effective means to achieve our ultimate goal: freedom for the Oromo people and sovereignty for Oromia, grounded in the principle of self-determination.
This is exactly why EPP cadres work tirelessly to disrupt our unity. And for that very reason, we must work even more relentlessly to preserve and promote Oromo unity—for the sake of both freedom and sovereignty.
May Waaqa guide us to build the strong unity needed for sovereignty, just as He once helped us win our freedom. May He bless the Oromo people and Oromia—whether within a union or as an independent nation.
Galatôma!
Read more:https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/03/0 ... few-years/