The Transformation of Ethiopia to Oropia Is Inevitable Due to the Certainty that Afàn Oromô Will Become a Federal Working Language
By Fayyis Oromia*
It is a bitter truth for opponents of the Oromo that Ethiopia is bound to transform into Oropia—a colorful, Oromummaa-led, inclusive state. This transformation is inevitable due to the undeniable fact that the elevation of Afàn Oromô as a federal working language will effectively replace Amharic’s current dominance. The Oromo people’s demographic and geographic centrality ensures the growing significance and expansion of the language. Amhara monarchs and dictators of the past recognized this, which is why they systematically suppressed Afàn Oromô, denying it official status—even at the Qebele (local) level. Today, anti-Oromo elites continue to resist its rise, decrying any attention the language receives.
The conflict in Ethiopia is clearly crystallizing into a power struggle between two major blocs: one fighting to preserve domination, the other seeking leadership at the federal level through Finfinne. On one side are pro-Amharanet elites, aiming to maintain the dominance of Amharic and Amhara identity. On the other are pro-Oromummà elites, who advocate for the rightful federal prominence of Oromiffà and Oromo culture, grounded in the nation’s demographic and geographic realities.
To preserve the status quo, Amhara elites deploy three main tactics: overt identity-based struggle (e.g., Fanno), masked Ethiopian nationalism (e.g., Ezema), and Oromo-led facades (e.g., OPP). The most insidious are the so-called Oromo leaders in OPP—like Abiy Ahmed and Shimelis Abdisa—who betray Oromo interests under the guise of Oromo identity. They co-opted the 2018 Oromo revolution and violently suppressed the Qérrô movement and its leaders, such as Lammà Magarsà and Jawar Mohammed.
Unsurprisingly, these three forces—Fanno, Ezema, and OPP—have aligned with the Biltsigina regime in their shared agenda to suppress Oromummà. Their targets are clear: prevent Afàn Oromô from becoming a federal working language, keep Finfinné from being fully recognized as part of Oromia, and marginalize the OLF. Any force aligned with these three—Fanno, Ezema, and EPP—is effectively opposing Oromummà. Most Amhara elites fall into this category. Conversely, genuine Oromo nationalists and movements of other historically oppressed nations, including Tigrayan elites striving for national liberation, are natural allies of Oromummà.
It’s no surprise that Oromo nationalists supported the Tigrayan cause during their conflict with the Biltsigina regime, and now some Tigrayan elites are sympathetic to the Oromo struggle. The pro-Amharanet elites had hoped to eliminate Oromummà and Tegarunet one after the other. Fortunately, alliances—both within the regime and among rebel groups—are beginning to reverse that trajectory.
In recent history, TPLF leaders squandered the hard-earned gains of the Tigrayan people. Their short-sighted greed alienated a natural strategic ally: the Oromo. In 1992, [ deleted ] Amhara elites temporarily sided with the TPLF to weaken the OLF. By 2020, these same elites allied with Abiy’s Prosperity Party to crush the TPLF and Tigrayan nationalism. Their goal has remained consistent: dismantle both Oromummà and Tegarunet to maintain Amharanet’s hegemony.
Thanks to Abiy’s betrayal, Oromo nationalists once again find themselves dominated by Neo-Naftagnas in Finfinné. Pro-Amharanet hybrid elites, masquerading as Oromo, actively suppress Oromummà while glorifying Amharanet and Amharic. This is a classic case of internalized oppression—where segments of the colonized come to revere their colonizers’ culture and language. Such elites have handed over the Oromo victory earned through Qérrô sacrifices to their oppressors, earning them support from reactionary Amhara elites.
The “elephant in the room” is the unresolved conflict between Oromo and Amhara elites, which the EPP skillfully manipulates to delay or prevent revolution. Mistrust between the two has long undermined cooperative efforts against dictatorship. Oromo dreams of Amhara support, and vice versa, have rarely translated into joint action. The EPP exploits this rift to stall any revolutionary momentum.
Yet, a coordinated nonviolent uprising led by the Oromo, in alliance with other oppressed peoples, remains the best hope for dismantling the EPP regime. Unlike Tigray, which may soon achieve independence, Oromia’s liberation hinges on unity and decisive action. That’s why Amhara conservatives and their Western allies fear Oromo mobilization: it threatens the system of domination they rely on.
The EPP has weaponized Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity to stoke fear and division:
“If a revolution happens, the Amharas will dominate Oromia.”
“If a revolution happens, the Oromos will dismember Ethiopia.”
“If a revolution happens, the army will massacre civilians.”
“If a revolution happens, Amharas will face genocide like Rwanda.”
“If a revolution happens, civil war will break out.”
These scare tactics are aimed at preserving the regime. To overcome them, pro-independence and pro-integration forces must find common ground: namely, the right of nations and peoples to self-determination via referendum. Those who demand unconditional independence must respect the people’s verdict, and those who insist on unity must do the same. Real democracy means letting the people decide.
Imagine a large letter “Y.” The bottom represents life under EPP tyranny. The junction represents a shared goal: freedom. The two arms represent different futures: independence (left) or integration (right). Both Oromo and Amhara peoples can journey together from tyranny to freedom, then pursue their respective visions. What matters now is reaching the junction.
There are three primary paths toward that shared freedom:
Armed struggle, favored by OLA, Fànnô and other liberation fronts;
Popular uprising, attempted by Oromo youth and urban populations;
Electoral struggle, embraced by democratic federalists despite a rigged system.
So far, both armed and electoral routes have proven ineffective, largely due to repression and lack of international support. Popular uprising, though powerful, has been fragmented and uncoordinated. Still, an alliance between Oromo and Amhara elites could catalyze a broad and inclusive movement capable of real change.
The EPP works tirelessly to prevent such unity, deploying language and cultural proxies to infiltrate and divide communities. Yet revolutionaries on both sides must remain committed to one goal: inclusive revolution and democratic resolution.
Avoiding the “elephant in the room” will not solve Ethiopia’s crisis. The elites of both major blocs must acknowledge that neither can dominate the other. Compromise and realism are essential. At the heart of democracy and freedom lies public will—a principle both sides must uphold.
Only by honoring this truth can we transition from tyranny to either a consensual union or peaceful separation—like that of Czechia and Slovakia. Failing to do so risks repeating the tragedies of Sudan and South Sudan. Let us not learn this lesson only after unimaginable loss.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/01/0 ... oromummaa/