Inclusive Revolution of ATO (Amara, Tegaru and Oromo) is the Best Way to Get Rid of Salisawi Derg, i.e Biltsiginà!
By Fayyis Oromia*
Interestingly, we are back to square one. Ethiopia was under the very brutal rule of the fascist Derg and racist TPLF (Dagimawi Derg). Above all, the Woyane was targeting Oromo people and our resources as well as Amara people and their land. In order to subdue (“likki le masgebat”) these two big nations and to continue its ongoing exploitation, the leader of TPLF, Abay Tsehaye, once showed his arrogant bravado. We got rid of EPRDF through inclusive revolution. Now, Woyane’s hegemony is done and Naftagna trying to come back is futile excercise, but unfortunately the same oppression is back. Thanks to Dr. Abiy, the dictators could survive and are now thriving as EPP, I.e Biltsiginà (Salisawi Derg). They are doing their best to suppress genuine democrats of the Oromo, Amara, Tegaru, Somali, Sidama…. etc with the pretext of promoting Ethiopiawinet. Especially, they started to instrumentalize the histrical stand off between the two big nations in order to polarize and divide the opposition against Biltsiginà. Also EPP is victimizing both Amara people and the Oromo. In order to get rid of this new oppressor, we need an inclusive revolution against the incumbent. Hier, I think the triangular cooperation of the Amara, Tegaru and Oromo is very mandatory.
I re-wrote this opinion initially being motivated by one OFC’s statement regarding one of its past election campaigns, where it wrote: “Our plan is to use the opportunity to mobilize millions for next round of the struggle. To this end, we have already ordered three million leaflets among others. We call upon all to join us in the all-round struggle of our peoples for freedom and democracy.” What a well-formulated mission! Then, I modified my idea a bit just to air my opinion also regarding an intimidating message from the leader of Biltsigina.
It is clear that we had “election” ritual in Ethiopia; no one with sound mind expected fair and free election under the Woyane rule, but the process could be used for mobilization of oppressed nations and helped an inclusive revolution be sparked. Yet, we like it or not, there was a big ‘elephant in the room,’ which we all tend to evade, but Biltsiginà (Salisawi Derg = SD) effectively exploits; i.e. the conflict: ‘pro-integration’ Amhara elites Vs. ‘pro-independence’ Oromo elites. This conflict is still the main area of fear hindering cooperation in possible inclusive revolution against SD’s regime. The pro-integration elites did dream and wished that the whole Ethiopian peoples share their vision, and pro-independence elites also wanted that pro-integration elites come to their sense and struggle for freedom of their respective people from SD’s oppression, so that such free peoples can live in the future as good neighbors to each other. Both blocs expressed their respective wish, and they did consider as if their point of view is the only truth on ground, but SD knows very well that these two camps are not in a position to trust each other; its cadres exploited this situation to hinder the Tsunami of inclusive revolution from erupting against the regime in Café Aràrà palace.
I personally saw that it can be the right and suitable time for an inclusive revolution against the dictators in Ethiopia. Almost all citizens and nations in the country were calling for inclusive revolution as the best instrument to get rid of the oppressive regime. That is why SD is doing everything under the sky to prevent us from revolting in unison. We know that, as long as Biltsigina is in power, we all would suffer, not only as refugees in Diaspora, but also as slaves at home in Ethiopia. It seems that the face-off between the two opposition camps is a hindrance for an inclusive revolution. The face-off is a very good historical advantage/opportunity, which Biltsigina got to rule over Ethiopia without any serious challenge, and this problem needs an appropriate solution. SD survived and thrived mainly by dividing and polarizing elites of the two blocs as well as by sowing fear among/between them. We heared that both camps live with a strong mistrust to each other, so that they seem to prefer SD’s further rule or prefer not to allow each other the possibility of taking over power.
Despite this self-sabotage of the two camps, I thought a well coordinated nonviolent popular uprising) of the Oromo people in cooperation with that of other nations in that country is yet the best way of struggle to get rid of SD. Actually, Oromo people had nothing to lose, if the expected inclusive revolution started. One thing beside many, in favor of Oromo liberation movement, is the fact that SD will leave Finfinne palace most probably in favour of the Oromo. With such move of SD, Oromia’s chance to get its independence is high. Because of this reason, both pro-integration conservatives and the Western protectors of the country did not want to see SD being cornered. They surely know that cornering SD is tantamount to disintegrating the existing Ethiopian state. That is why, it is not Oromo people, but firstly, Biltsiginà itself; secondly, the colonial-minded conservative elites; and thirdly, their Western handlers, who fears an emergence of an inclusive revolution in Ethiopia. Thus, the democratic pro-unity forces pushing for revolution are not as such dangerous for Oromo liberation movement. Even if not Oromia’s independence per referendum, we can achieve its autonomy within a multinational Ethiopian (Kushland’s) union as a result of an inclusive revolution. But, I believe Oromo’s best interest can be respected more in an integrated democratic Ethiopia. Future accomodative Ethiopia (not past assimilative Ethiopia) serves an interest of the Oromo more thant that of the Abesha.
This is one of the reasons that Biltsiginà cadres are very busy to hinder an inclusive revolution from taking place in the country by using manipulation of the difference between diverse peoples, as their instrument of division and polarization. If the scare tactics, which they try to use, would hinder an inclusive revolution, the only option the oppressed peoples have, is the anti-colonial armed struggle, on which we have to concentrate and invest most, even though it is a very difficult job, given the little support we have from international community. For an inclusive revolution possibly not to take place, unfortunately, pro-independence freedom fighters (i.e. Oromo, Ogaden, Sidama … liberation forces) and pro-integration freedom fighters (i.e. the Agaw-Amara, Gurage, Harari … patriotic forces) are mistrusting each other. Both camps want to secure direction of the move in their respective way after freedom from SD. The first bloc wants no reversal of the already achieved victory of limited cultural autonomy on the way towards national independence (self-determination), whereas the second bloc wants to be sure that Ethiopia’s territorial integrity stays intact, and possibly, the process be reversed back to unitary state.
But, why should these people worry too much about the situation after the revolution? Is the caution regarding unity from the pro-integration freedom fighters so different from the scare tactics used by SD cadres? These cadres go to pro-independence forums and tell that the “worse will come; pro-integration Amara elites will take over, and an independent Oromia will never be realized, if you push for the revolution;” and then, they go to pro-integration forums and talk “take care, the worse will come; the OLF can take over and it will be end of the united Ethiopia, if you make a revolution.” It is the fact on the ground that both Ethiopia and Oromia are taken hostage by Biltsigina. Whenever the pro-independence force is stronger, Biltsigina threatens with the possibility of dismantling Oromia; and whenever pro-integration force was stronger, they threatened with dismembering Ethiopia.
SD uses opportunity of such division among the opposition to threaten both camps of freedom fighters. If an inclusive revolution really should have happened, the two blocs needed to be bold enough to take risk of losing their ideals after the revolution and to live with a compromise solution. That means, the pro-independence bloc should have been ready to lose, for instance, the possibility of achieving an independent Oromia, and the pro-integration camp needed to be ready to risk their long-term goal of fostering unitary Ethiopia. Otherwise, in short, SD is really lucky; there would never be any inclusive revolution under such condition of division between freedom fighters; and the chance to get rid of Biltsigina through election was, as we knew, very minimal; then, armed struggle was the only option left. In case both public uprising and armed struggle against Biltsigina are not effective, should we not prepare ourselves to be ruled by SD for the next one century? Not to allow SD to rule us for such a long time, we needed to know and tackled the methods it used, specially its scare tactics. In short, the scare tactics, which SD cadres use are – “if an inclusive revolution erupts:
– pro-integration Amara elites can take over the movement and dismantle Oromia;
– pro-independence Oromo elites will be in power and dismember Ethiopia;
– the SD army will massacre civilians;
– there can be a mayhem against Oromiffà-speakers, like that of Rwanda;
– there will be absolute chaos and civil war among different ethnies; etc”
Are freedom fighters from both blocs ready to deal with these scare tactics of Biltsiginà? Can they agree on the middle ground: freedom and referendum (self-determination of citizens and nations)? Those, who just fight for unconditional independence of nations, must cool down and accept public verdict, as well as those, who struggle for unconditional integration, should learn to be moderates and accept public verdicts. Both camps must agree on first getting freedom from Biltsiginà, and then democratically decide for either independence or integration per referendum (independence or integration based on public verdicts). We liked it or not, all peoples in that region should be free, regardless of their decisions for political independence or for political integration. The political free will of peoples in the country is what matters most at the end.
Unfortunately, there are some nationals in both pro-integration and pro-independence camps – who can not see the common convergent short-term goal of both sides, i.e. ‘freedom from SD.’ They concentrate only on their divergent long-term goals: independent state vs. integrated country. Fortunately, few smart nationalists from both sides are emerging and trying to forge an alliance, by default or by design, in order to achieve their convergent common short-term goal and then to decide on their respective long-term goals through public verdict. The dictators are too far from accepting and respecting the free will of their respective public as a final verdict; they preach democracy, but are not yet ready to practice it. We hope that these few smart and genuinely democratic nationalists in both camps – who try to practice what they preach, would prevail to cooperate and make Biltsigina’s tyranny history. Those who wanted to achieve either ‘independent state’ or ‘integrated country’ per public referendum are the truely democratic nationals from both sides.
Let’s just try to imagine a very big letter ‘Y’ and distinguish four points on the letter (bottom, middle junction, left top, and right top). Then, let’s see that the bottom is the status quo of Ethiopian politics, where the constituencies of both camps are under tyranny of SD; the middle junction is a point for freedom from tyranny; the left top is point of national independence; and the right top is point for regional integration. Then, let’s look that this letter ‘Y’ is a figure to illustrate the route of our liberation journey for both camps, from their present common situation, towards their short-term and long-term goals. Can we percieve that these two camps do have a possibility to move from the bottom (point of tyranny) to the middle junction (point of freedom) together? It is our common route of journey towards common converging short-term goal. Then will come the two diverging routes towards two different and diverging long-term goals of the two blocs: left top (independence) and right top (integration).
Now, if we could imagine this route of common journey adequately, it is not hard to comprehend that we need alliance of the two to move from tyranny under Biltsigina to the point of freedom from Biltsiginà, but not necessarily, to move together to right top or to left top. After achieving our freedom from SD’s rule in unison, it is now up to the peoples in Ethiopia to decide, through referendum, which direction to move further: to the left top or to the right top. If, for instance, Oromo majority will choose to move to the right top, then Oromo elites’ long-term goal will be similar to that of the pro-integration Amara elites. Otherwise, if the Oromo majority will choose to move to the left top, no one can hinder the Oromo nation from achieving Oromia’s independence. Just concentrating on the struggle for freedom from Niltsigina’s rule, I think there are three main possible ways of struggle:
– Armed Struggle, which is the method of choice for the OLA and other liberation fronts;
– Popular Uprising, which is not tried in a well-coordinated and inclusive way, but seem to be the best option; and
– Electoral Struggle, which is the way chosen by OFC and other democratic federalists, despite the undemocratic nature of Biltsigina.
From these three ways of struggles for freedom, we see that both armed struggle and electoral struggle are not successful. Armed struggle is too slow because of limited support from the so-called international community; and electoral struggle has failed due to undemocratic nature of the brutal rulers. The option of popular uprising had been tried separately by only Oromo students during the years 2001–2017, and by pro-integration urbanites after “election” 2005.
Because of such uncoordinated and uncooperative moves of elites from different nations in the country, especially, due to polarization of pro-independence Oromo elites and pro-integration Amara elites, the fragmented popular uprisings have not been successful. But, lately, there was hope for a possible cooperation against the dictatorial TPLF – which could lead us to a successful inclusive uprising and also which could be a quicker means leading to our freedom. I think a combination of the above three ways of struggles, in an optimally calculated and planned manner, is also the best method, which can work against Biltsiginà and lead us to freedom and democracy. That was why Biltsiginà cadres do anything under the sun to hinder the fire of an inclusive revolution from igniting in Ethiopia and, of course, the “smart” Afan Oromo-speaking/writing Biltsiginà messengers are trying to do this job among the Oromo, both in the cyberworld and in the real community, just as the Amarigna-speaking/writing ones are doing the same job among Amarigna speaking community.
If the revolutionaries in both liberation camps seriously want an inclusive revolution to erupt against the brutal Biltsigina regime, then their evading, shelving or undermining of ‘an elephant in the room’ is not the solution. The elites in both blocs should be realistic and pragmatic to face the main and the real problem. None of the two blocs can cheat or outmaneuver the other side; they had to be able to come up with a compromise solution. I personally believe that popular free will of each nation is alpha and omega of both freedom and democracy – which almost all sides do preach, but very few of them seem to practice. The elites on the two sides should learn to prepare themselves for fate of the country based on such public verdicts per referendum. If they are smart enough, they will settle for multinational federal union either based on polity consensus or as a result of popular referendum; otherwise, they should accept and respect the possible peaceful separation of nation-states. The alternative for the anti-sovereignty forces, particularly for Biltsigina and its leaders is to sing like president Al-bashir of Sudan, when the time comes: “welcome to a neighboring nation of South Sudan.” Of course, unfortunately Al-bashir did that after sacrificing about 2 million Sudan citizens, and I hope Dr. Abiy will not repeat this mistake. Unfortunately, he is doing the same divide and destroy mechanism used by Meles Zenawi. Thus, we need the same inclusive revolution of Oromara against the dictatorial EPP. This alliance was effective against fascist Woyane and surely it will be the Same against SD. May Wàqa help us all understand this fact on the ground and respect freedom and democracy as our common values! Now, it is time for the ATO-Alliance against SD, just as it was against Woyane!
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2017/12/2 ... d-of-tplf/