Mereja.Forum

The Oromo Should Kill OPDO Face of Dr. Abiy’s OPP to Promote its OLF Side!

Dr. Abiy’s OPP is characterized by internal struggle of two forces: between those with OLF’s mindest of sovereignty and OPDO’s mindset of servitude. Those with OLF’s mindset are pushing slowly towards freedom and sovereignty of the Oromo, whereas those with OPDO’s mindest are still ready to have Habesha master from either Amhara or Tegaru elites. Specially interesting is to observe how those with OLF mindest are trying to promote Oromiffa/Oromumma and those with OPDO’s mindest are striving to maintain the ongoing domination of Amharanet/Amharigna. The struggle between these two forces is still continuing. For the OLF’s mindest to win the struggle, it is very necessary for the genuine Oromo nationalists to enter and take over OPP completely from the dying face of the OPDO. Entering and owning the OPP and its government structures must be main focus of the OLF. This method of owning the regime is a better struggle than only engaging in the opposition party OFC or rebel front OLA. The OLFites should try to infiltrate the OPP more in order to purge out the dying OPDO men and women from this ruling party. I think the whole Oromo need to focus on this killing process of the OPDO part of Dr. Abiy’s OPP in order to promote its OLF side just to complete our freedom struggle.
Read more: https://fayyisoromia.wordpress.com/2023 ... -the-opdo/

Kill Dr Abiy face?

Mean while this is what your Shene face looks like in some parts of Horu Gudru and Baha Welega it was Abiy and his OPDO army who saved you and stopped Demelash Militia from entering Nekemte and Shambu cities

It is good that Tegaru Hegemonists are lastly done. We hope that Amhara Naftagnas will not get a chance to controll the palace. Then, Oromo republicans with OLF’s mindset of freedom shall deal with the ruling Oromo prosperitans having OPDO’s mindset of servitude. Dr. Abiy’s OPP being with servitude mindset just changed the master to serve from TPLF to ANDM (APP). As long as Amharanet and Amharigna are dominating the palace and other federal institutions, OPP is there only to do the bidding of APP. That is why, we can simply say Dr. Abiy and his prosperitan followers are still moving with OPDO’s servitude mindset. For the Oromo to achieve our freedom genuinely, this bloc must be replaced by republican Oromos with OLF’s freedom mindset. Such elites with freedom mindset from the OLF, OFC and even some from OPP can come together and challenge those with OPDO’s servitude mindset. Take it how ever long it may, at last, freedom mindset will prevail over servitude mindset.

To change the existing rule of Dr. Abiy’s EPP, there is nothing alternative to forging an inclusive very strong opposition party or alliance or coalition including all genuine and major democratic forces. Can they come together and challenge EPP in the coming election or will they stay fragmented and give chance to the incumbent to rule for further at least 5 years? No question that such strong opposition is mandatory to promote the ongoing democratization process. It is high time for the Oromo republicans with OLF’s freedom mindset to come together and foster one strong Oromo Republican Party (ORP) against the ruling Oromo prosperitans with OPDO’ servitude mindset.

Once Ob. Leencoo Lataa wrote about Meles Zenawi’s political vision and about Zenawi’s principle of “dominant party democracy” – which was published under the link: http://oromiatimes.multiply.com/journal/item/293/293. According to Lataa’s writing, the vision of Meles Zenawi was to foster a developmental state, which should be led by a dominant party/coalition that indefinitely wins elections in order to promote economic growth, and hence end poverty in Africa. This is what Zenawi was recommending for the whole of Africa, i.e. a political system that he and his TPLF has been practicing ever since the U.S. government, through its apostle, Samuel Huntington, recommended it to them in 1993. He wrote further in his 2007 article:

“… The Ethiopian peoples had no role whatsoever in selecting the TPLF to become the dominant party that should indefinitely rule them. The very fact that this choice was made by a foreign government or scholar speaks volumes about the democratic credentials of this political system. It also shows that the Ethiopian peoples have yet to enjoy one fundamental right associated with the status of democratic citizenship, the right to elect a government both into and out of office.

Exercising such a right was simply unthinkable during the imperial era since the Emperor had claimed that he was the “Elect of God.” It remained unthinkable also under his successors who credited history with the act of thrusting upon them the responsibility of holding the country together. The TPLF has been selected to permanently rule Ethiopia by indefinitely winning elections by the almighty power on earth, the U.S. government.

As it functions elsewhere in the world, the U.S. included, democracy enables citizens not only to elect, but to also un-elect their government. In the version of democracy originally proposed for Ethiopia by Samuel Huntington and then reconfirmed by PM Meles Zenawi, individuals have only the right to elect the dominant party as their government at each and every election. They have no right to vote it out of office no matter how unpopular it becomes and how totally ineffectively it performs. One can only wonder why conducting elections becomes necessary when the winner is predetermined. Why, both the electorate and the party should take time out of other productive engagements first in order to register and then to come back later to vote for one and the same party election after election.

Thomas Hobbes has a name for a political system in which a particular group monopolizes the right to indefinitely rule society. He calls it the monarch of the group. The dominant party formula is even worse because unlike common monarchies it demands the society to periodically go through the unnecessary process of voting it into office. This is nothing else but the one party rule that has wreaked havoc in Africa for the last four decades.

The dominant party version of democracy tries to reconcile the irreconcilable, i.e., democracy and domination. Since it is unlikely to perform this impossible mission, the dominant party political system actually pits democracy and domination against each other. Hence, either democracy steadily gathers strength to ultimately end domination or the reverse happens. This is inevitable because democracy starts where and when domination ends and vice versa. One of them has to ultimately prevail over the other.

And this struggle between democracy and domination will unfold both within the dominant party as well as between it and the rest of society. The struggles within these two spheres intimately influence each other. For the party’s dominance over society at large to be established and sustained, domination has to prevail over democracy within the party itself first and foremost. And conversely, for democracy to see the light of day in the wider public sphere, democracy has to prevail over domination within the party. Which of these alternative courses has Ethiopia been following during the last sixteen years of experimenting with this political system? …”

RULE BY DOMINATION
After the “landslide” victory during the 2010 “election”, Meles Zenawi’s party was a clear “dominant party”, which was “ready to lead the empire to be a democratic and developed state” and, of course, his close friends were dominating in the “dominant party.” Even we could hear the bragging of the “dominant party” about the “development and transformation plan,” which would “make us food secure within five years and help us be part of the world with middle income within fifteen years.” This was the miracle we were told to expect from the “dominant party democracy” under the leadership of the “revolutionary democrats” (actually they were neither revolutionaries nor democrats).

But nations and peoples in the empire were not too naive to believe this false prophets from the circle of the “revolutionary democrats.” All political opposition parties and rebel groups from all the political spectrum in the empire have started, without any illusion, the struggle for liberation from the fascist and apartheid TPLF regime. Almost all of them have started to believe that liberation from tyranny should precede the struggle for democracy. Expecting any sort of democratization process to take place under the minority dictators was just like a pipe dream. That was why all who were against the TPLF should habe been considered as freedom fighters, be it they were in “legal” opposition parties or in the “illegal” rebel groups.

Interestingly, valuable time was wasted by not discussing what Ob Leencoo brought up in 2007 about “dominant party democracy;” instead, most politicians were busy to take part in the past local “election” as well as in the regional and national “elections” with an illusion that the “democratization process was going on.” Then Ob Leencoo gave again an interesting interview on ESAT-TV (read http://gadaa.com/oduu/?p=5088), where he stressed that “the fundamental precondition for electoral democracy was not existing in Ethiopia;” the fundamental precondition here being the consensus on how Ethiopia should be constituted (“common understanding of the state”), i.e. the Ethiopian state must be restructured in a fashion acceptable to all stakeholders before any talk of electoral democracy. Unfortunately, it seemed again that the future valuable time was going to be wasted for the concerned peoples and politicians were not discussing adequately on this issue.

I encouraged all the freedom fighters to discuss and find a “common understanding of the state,” to fight together to get rid of the fascist TPLF, which was ruling the empire with iron fist and then to work on the “fundamental precondition for electoral democracy,” i.e. to my understanding to work on the self-determination of each nation in the empire. It was only after or with the genuine self-determination of Oromo people and that of other oppressed nations that we can have a multinational democracy in Ethiopia. Can freedom fighters from the two major opposition blocs (unionists and unitarists) agree on this precondition and had a “common understanding of the state”? Time will show us, but the discussion must continue now.

Liberated Oromo people and Oromo region can be used as an example and as a precedence for the liberation of all African nations and nationalities from the hitherto divisive colonial borders and assimilative colonial languages, just as the revival of the Oromo traditional religion, Waaqeffannaa, is an example for the future revival of African traditional beliefs in one God, which has been devalued by the colonialists as something “animism or paganism”. Finfinne, as the capital of Africa and Oromia as the political center, must be free to open the door of liberty for all the oppressed nations to enjoy their national freedom. The light beam of freedom will be radiated from this center to all directions, no doubt that even the Abyssinian colonists will enjoy this freedom for they, as oppressors, are as enslaved as the nations they were oppressing.

If OLF gets stronger and pushes in this direction, Medrek can not be an Oromo appeaser as already asked by some Oromo nationalists, be it settles for playing the role of the ever losing junior partner of the already programmed “ever winning dominant party” of Meles Zenawi or not. But, Medrek was not settling for such cheap job, but it was part and parcel of the liberation struggle against the ethnocentric apartheid regime by complementing the all-inclusive alliance in order to promote the effort of the true freedom fighters against the EPP. So, I would like to encourage its transformation from the present loose alliance to a political front, if and only if the goal of the front will be a true ethnic federation as a compromise solution. I just say: NO to the suggested referendum on the fate of Oromia, if the unitarists in UDJ want to achieve a consensus on the fate of Ethiopia. The front should have either consensus on both Ethiopian integrity and Oromia’s unity, or should be ready to go for referendum on both YES vs. NO to Ethiopian integriity, and YES vs. NO to Oromia’s unity. The [ deleted ] way (consensus on Ethiopian integrity and referendum on Oromia’s unity) is simply unfair to say the least. Also Oromo nationalists in OFC were not such naive to accept such misguiding move from the concerned Habesha elites.

Only such a front of member organizations with different goals, which is based on such a very fair ‘either a consensus on the fate of both Ethiopia and Oromia or a referendum on both’ can have a strong mass base and an all rounded support to be a challenging opposition against the regime. Otherwise, Medrek will be doomed to fail or to exist like only the ever losing junior partner of the ever “winning dominant party.” I would like to encourage the suggested all-inclusive alliance also follow the same example and have a common ground based on the fair method of either a consensus on the building of the union of autonomous nations (saving both Ethiopia and Oromia) or a referendum on the future type of union we want to foster (a union of fragmented nations as the unitarist liberators wish or a union of autonomous nations as the ethno-federalists want or a union of sovereign nations as the unionist liberators will achieve). Only if there is such a fair political game, would it become possible that ORP will be effective and efficient to defeat the EPP. Otherwise, the Opposition groups will have no Oromo mass support and in such a case, they should prepare themelves for the role as a junior partner of the “dominant party,” not for the noble job as a major promoter of the democratization process. Hopefully, the Oromo republican forces like the OFC and the OLF can foster a sort of coalition and become the challenging strong opposition party in the coming election.

You kill Dr. Abiy on the internet, he will kill you on the ground, hope you will be victorious at the end.