Mereja.Forum

[sarcasm]

THE HISTORICAL “JUSTIFICATION” FOR CONTINUED CIVIL WAR IN ETHIOPIA
The struggle over defining which moment in history should be the starting point to address, understand, and solve contemporary conflicts, is often obfuscating conflict resolution, as the case of the status of #Welkeit in #Tigray, #Ethiopia illustrates.
Tigray and Amhara politicians and activists have both claimed historical control over currently defined #WestTigray (often termed Welkeit). The Ethiopian constitution of 1995 defines the regional states in Ethiopia, as they were deleniated during the transitional period. Welkeit / West Tigray then became part of Tigray, a position disputed by Amhara political leadership today.

Amhara activists and other pan-Ethiopian nationalists reject the legitimacy of the current Ethiopian constitution, as its main drafter was #TPLF. They argue that Welkeit / West-Tigray used to be part of Gondar province before the #EPRDF government reconfigured the country into a federal system and designed the new regional states.

So, the current crux of the matter is how far back in time one should go to prove «historical belonging» or autochthony (i.e. «ownership")? Tigray and Amhara activists have made references to old maps, census data, & historical place names, in defending their right to rule this part of Ethiopia.

Now, a Dutch research team headed by prof. Jan Nyssen has discovered a German made map from 1849 clearly stating that Welkeit was part of Tigray region in what was termed "Habesh" i.e. Ethiopia. Amhara region is also clearly delineated. (See https://zenodo.org/record/6480926#.YmZti9pByUk)

One should obviously be careful in interpreting such ancient maps on its face value, there may be many misinterpretations and misrepresentations included in reproducing local identities and belonging by European explorers traversing Africa in the 17th century. However, it gives an indication on how the terrain was delineated into politico-administrative entities at the time.

Now the question is whether Amhara activists will manage to find an even older map stating the opposite, that Welkeit is theirs and not Tigrayan.

We should also keep in mind that similar "disputed" territories are found across the country between the various regional states. Particularly worrying is the territorial disputes between Amhara and #Oromo - a conflict dynamic which is escalating over the recent weeks.

Ethiopia is the oldest polity in Africa south of Sahara, its political history stretching back millenniums. It will thus be a never-ending conflict to use selective historical items to justify contemporary wars and atrocities.

A negotiated settlement to the numbers of #civilwars fought in Ethiopia seems at this time hard to find; but for starters to re-draw politico-administrative entities with force and ethnic cleansing is surly not an optimal strategy to achieve sustainable #peace.



https://www.facebook.com/kjetil.tronvol ... 8198795247

[Misraq]

Who was ruling Tigray in 1849?

Dejazmach Wube of Semien Gondar Wube is often refered as the "non-tigrayan ruller of Tigray" . coastal territories in what is now central Eritrea was under this Gondere ruler that goes by the name of Wube. Now is central eritrea and its coastar area is also Tigray? no. The map shows Wube's domain really. Read and educate yourself first https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wube_Haile_Maryam

Wube Haile Maryam of Semien, also spelled as Wube Haile Mariam, Wube Hayle Maryam, Wibe Haylä Maryam, Webé Hayla Maryam (1799-1867), also called by his title Dejazmach Wube, Webé; his name is also given in European sources as ‘‘Ubie’’.[1] Wube was one of the major figures of 19th century Ethiopia, during the closing decades of the Zemene Mesafint (lit: Era of the princes) a period of regional lords vying for power, prestige and territory amid a weakened authority of the emperors.

The regional ruler and dejazmach of his hereditary province of Semien, and later as the conquerer and non-Tigrean ruler of the Tigray Province and other coastal territories in what is now part of central Eritrea.[2] Wube is remembered in Eritrea and Tigray for barbarous military raids.[3][1] A major claimant to the Ethiopian throne during his era, Wube was defeated and imprisoned in 1855 by another contender Kassa Hailu, the future emperor Tewodros II. Some sources date Wube's defeat as the end of Ethiopia's Zemene Mesafint.[4]

Wube's family originated from the Semien mountains, his father, Haile Maryam Gebre[note 1] was the governor of the Semien province and belonged to the Orthodox Christian Amharas, his mother, Mintayé of Jan Amora, was a side marriage (or concubine) of his father.[1]

Conquest of Tigray and Eritrea
In February 1831, Wube and Ras Marye responded with a vigorous military campaign into Tigray. Marye and Wube's coalition met the forces of Sabagadis near the Tekeze river and conflict ensued. Ras Marye perished, but Sabagadis lost (the Battle of Debre Abbay) and was executed by Ras Marye's followers the following day. Wube and his troops remained in Tigray.[5][9]

In the aftermath of Sabagadis's death, Tigray Province plunged into chaos. Sabagadis' many enemies and rivals turned against his offspring. Moreover, even Sabagadis's own sons and supporters fought each other for ascendancy. Wube took advantage of the divided aristocracy, and pacified the region after a series of wars. He spared Sabagadis's sons (his wife Dinqinesh's brothers) and appointed them as tributary provincial governors in return for their submission.[8][7]

Wube then extended his rule over the northern highlands into the Mereb-Mellash and Akkele-Guzay (in today’s Eritrea) with the submission of the lord of Merab Mellash in 1832. Oral tradition in Eritrea and Tigray preserves strong memories of Wubé as a ruthless and brutal warlord. His armies even reached the Bogos area, a dependency of the Hamasén lords of the Mereb Mellash. Wube was thus able to control all the caravan routes to the Red Sea, although his claim to the Ottoman controlled port of Massawa was unsuccessful. The control of these routes opened new opportunities for him to acquire important goods, such as firearms and other weapons, and to establish relations with foreign powers.[1][10]