Mereja.Forum

[Sadacha Macca]

INTERVIEW : Mr. Yemane explains genesis, devt. Of Eritrean-Ethiopian
border conflict

(Highlights of an inrerview Mr. Yemane Gebreab, Head of Political Affairs at
the PFDJ, gave to the VOA)

When did the EPLF and the TPLF establish relations?

The two fronts established relations 22 years ago while both were waging a
joint struggle against the Derg. By the time the relations were established,
the Eritrean people had already struggled for over 15 years to achieve
independence. The objective of establishing relations between the two fronts
was to fight our common enemy - the Derg - through a joint struggle and
ensure independence in Eritrea and the stablishment of a democratic political
system that equally involves the participation of all ethnic groups in
Ethiopia. To attain this goal, the EPLF had also forged relations with the
Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party (EPRP) prior to establishing relations
with the TPLF. Besides, the EPLF established relations with the Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF), the All Ethiopia Socialist Movement (MEISON), the
Afar Liberation Front and the National Movement of Sidama.

Your relations with the EPRP was not long-lasting. What was the
reason for this?

Relations with the EPRP was established in 1973. Its leaders such as
Berhane Meskel had been trained in Eritrea before they moved to Asimba to
launch armed struggle against the Derg. Up to this point we were able to
maintain good relations that we had established earlier.

Both the TPLF and EPRP were operating in Tigrai and they had a big
difference between them that resulted in armed clashes, and the EPLF was
trying to mediate between these two political organizations. One of the
questions that was the cause for the dispute, for instance, was whether or
not the EPRP could operate in Tigrai. In a bid to patch up this dispute, the
EPLF put forth the view that both the EPRP and the TPLF, being an Ethiopian
political organizations, could operate in any part of the country. Meanwhile,
clashes between the two parties continued and the EPRP was compelled to
withdraw from Tigrai. Moreover, its own internal problems weakened the EPRP
substantially, and as a result it became difficult to maintain the good
relations between us as much as it should have been.

How about your relations with the OLF?

We established relations with the OLF long after we did so with the TPLF.
It was towards the end of the 70s and the beginning of the 80s that we
approached this organization, and our relations continued until the Derg was
overthrown and Eritrea achieved independence. We established the relations on
the understanding that there should exist an alliance between the struggles
of the peoples of Eritrea and Ethiopia if both are to attain victory.
Besides, we firmly believed [still believe] the Oromos are oppressed and
neglected. As a result, we held the conviction that fundamental political
changes should be made in Ethiopia where the rights of such oppressed peoples
would be respected. This relation with the OLF continued for years and was
one of the points of dispute between the EPLF and the TPLF.

We believed that the OLF is the genuine political organization of the Oromo
people, despite its shortcomings. It should have been given time so as to
overcome its shortcomings. Deciding to create its own satellite political
organization, which is presently called as Oromo People's Democratic
Organization (OPDO), however, the TPLF did not accept this view which we
forwarded at the time.

Our fighters, as they had marched to Addis Ababa alongside the TPLF, also
carried out joint operations with the OLF in Asossa and other places. In
order to bring about reconciliation between the TPLF and the OLF and thus
enable the Transitional Government of Ethiopia operate effectively, we, with
the participation of the governments of USA, Germany, Britain and Sweden, had
in 1992 tried to mediate between the two parties. However, as a result of the
TPLF's determination to create a satellite organization that would replace
the OLF, coupled with the mistakes committed by the latter while it was still
member of the transitional government, our efforts could not bear fruit.
Later on, the OLF withdrew from the transitional government, dissociated
itself from other Ethiopian political forces and went into exile. Thus, our
relations with the OLF were discontinued. Besides, the OLF did not foster
relations with us; for it thought that we were siding with the TPLF and
working against it.

Would you please mention some of the mistakes the OLF had committed?

As I have already mentioned, the OLF is the political organization that
genuinely represents the Oromo people. Although it did not command sufficient
political and military capabilities at the time, the OLF was a vital
organization to bring about an enduring peace and stability and represent the
interest of a large part of Ethiopia. In my opinion, the OLF was at the time
making hasty generalizations. It believed that as a representative of the
Oromo people who constitute the majority in Ethiopia, it should exercise
political power. To speak the truth, however, the OLF was a small
organization at the time. It was not as organized as the TPLF and did not pay
sacrifices as much as the latter. It should have worked calmly to strengthen
its organizational capacities and win the support and respect of all the
Oromos and other Ethiopians. It, however, started to compare itself with the
TPLF and this led it to quickly clash with it. Moreover, the OLF should have
been able to win the trust of other nationalities living in the region it had
been controlling - Region 4 or what is presently known as Oromia Region. This
was also a mistake. Through time it could have been able to correct its
mistakes. It was, however, in a hurry. But we should not forget that the OLF
was a genuine political organization of the Oromo people.

You have mentioned that the TPLF had differences with the EPLF despite the
good relations that existed between the two organizations. What was the
genesis of this disagreement?

The differences did not arise through time. They were there right from the
beginning. When the TPLF was formed as a political organization it had
patently declared in the manifesto it had issued at the time that its
objective was to create the 軍epublic of Tigrai'. And the shape of the
軍epublic' the TPLF wanted to create was quite different from the shape of
the province at the time. It, in fact, incorporated large swathes of land
from different Ethiopian regions. At the time we boldly told the leaders of
the TPLF that the rights of the people of Tigrai could only be ensured in a
new Ethiopia where equality among all people is guaranteed. This view of the
EPLF was [and is still] based on the fact that Tigrai is a vital part of
Ethiopia in the history of the country and that its people had been oppressed
and neglected, and in the belief that a new political order should be
established in Ethiopia where the rights of the people of Tigrai would be
respected. But this view did not get acceptance by the TPLF. And this was the
genesis and the fundamental point which has always been differentiating the
EPLF from the TPLF. Even though the TPLF had in its Congress of 1979 changed
this objective of its struggle to the need of realizing the right of self
determination [of Tigrai] up to secession, the ultimate objective of the
front remained in tact though disguised.

Even after the TPLF assumed power in Addis Ababa it clung to its two
pronged thinking. On the one hand, they want to promote the development and
independence of Tigrai and to rule Ethiopia on the other. When in 1984
differences appeared, the EPLF issued a statement concerning the different
types of struggle that were going on in Ethiopia. The Front clearly stated
that even though nationalities in Ethiopia were oppressed, this would be done
away with the creation of a democratic Ethiopia. The TPLF did not still
accept this. It maintained that independence should be the goal.

Truly the TPLF was struggling for the realization of an independent Tigrai
. But later on, though I cannot remember when it was exactly, they [members
of the leadership] held a discussion and had realized that the idea of an
independent Tigrai was wrong. They instead adopted a principle where they
should cooperate with other nationalities to attain self administration. Is
that right?

I don't think that they had changed their objective but the way they
presented it. When they came to power too what is witnessed in Ethiopia is a
politics of region - dividing the country into regions on the basis of
ethnicity. The Constitution is also another evidence. It has patently stated
that all [nationalities] have theright to establish an independent country of
their own. At this juncture, we feared that the dangerous happenings in the
former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia would be repeated in Ethiopia. The
objective of this ethnic and regional politics is not to ensure the rights of
the nationalities at all. The Oromo people are, forinstance, among those
bitterly oppressed in Ethiopia during the past seven years, despite the big
size of the Oromia region. The EPRDF had admitted at a congress in which the
PFDJ participated as an observer that nothing hasbeen done for the people of
Oromo during this period.

If the task of self-administration is left to the kilils [regions],
is it not their responsibility to develop their own regions?

The question that should be asked is: is it really the Oromo people who are
administrating the Oromia kilil? It is not TPLF's sincere wish to see the OLF
strengthening itself as the force of the Oromo people. It is using the Oromo
People's Democratic Organization (OPDO) as a political tool. It is very
difficult to say that real political power lies in this organization. It is
the TPLF which prepares guidelines and appoints leaders to the OPDO. It has
been trying to create a satellite political organizations not only in Oromia
but also in all other regions. In the Afar region, for instance, the TPLF
conspired to divide the Afar Liberation Front into three or so groups and
created its own satellite organization out of it. This has enabled the former
to decide the issues of that region. As a result, it is the President of
Kilil Tigrai, Gebru Asrat, who is more decisive on Afar issues than the
President of the Afar kilil itself. Thus, the powers of kilils are in the
hands of the TPLF, and it is this organization which is responsible for the
weaknesses manifested in the regions.

Apart from these, the TPLF controls the power of the central government. It
is wrong to say that the central government is not responsible for the
weakness of the kilils. Even though the EPLF had differences with the TPLF,
the two organizations had been working together. How were you tackling
differences to work together?

Our view was that we had a common enemy and goal and thus could work
towards the realization of our common goals and resolve differences through
time. It does not, however, mean that we did not have differences with other
Ethiopian political forces too. We did not believe, for instance, that the
EPRP had a clear stand about the question of Eritrean independence. However,
we believed that we could cooperate with each other and resolve problems in
the process.

I think, even though the EPRP did not believe that the question of Eitrea
is colonial in nature, it had a clear stand that the case is peculiar. As
Eritrea had been colonized by European powers for 60 years, the question of
Eritrea was different from the questions of other Ethiopian nationalities.
The EPRP accepted the Eritrean independence question. Therefore, what do you
mean when you say EPRP's stand on the question of Eritrea was not clear?

As you have mentioned, we had differences on the colonial nature of the
issue. Of course, they [the EPRP people] had the view that the question of
the Eritrean people is for independence and that the right of
self-determination up to secession should be guaranteed to them. But I don't
believe that this was EPRP's clear-cut stand. The question of Eritrea was a
disputing and dividing point within the Party itself. But I am not saying
that we had many differences between the two of us. The point was it was not
as clear as it should have been, and we believed that it was not a factor
hindering us to work together. We had practically continued to work together
along the line of this conviction. The same holds true with other Ethiopian
political forces, including the TPLF.

The TPLF was, in fact, able to get a strategic support within a short
period of time. When its development is compared vis-a-vis time, the TPLF was
an organization which quickly strengthened itself politically and militarily.
As a result of this, the role of the TPLF in the straggle against the Derg
became greater and greater. When we said that the question of the people of
Tigray would only be solved within the Ethiopian state, it does not mean that
we had denied the oppression the people of Tigrai suffered from. With the
civilization they had and the role they played in the history of Ethiopia,
they have been retarded. And we believe that the rights of the people of
Tigrai should be respected. Apart from this Eritrea and Tigrai are close
geographically, culturally and historically. The fact that Tigreyans and
Eritreans were fighting in each other's front was an additional factor to
work together even though political differences still existed. As a result,
we strengthened our cooperation up to victory.

Would you please mention the factors that enabled both fronts to
triumphantly conclude the armed struggle?

When the TPLF launched armed struggle, the Eritrean Revolution had already
an experience of over 15 years. And the EPLF had by then an experience of six
years enriched by the lesson it had learnt from the ELF. So when we started
to work together with the TPLF we were at different levels of development in
all aspects. The EPLF had consequently played a great role in offering
military training to most of the present leaders of the TPLF. Though the
amount of weapons the EPLF possessed then was limited , the Front,
nonetheless, shared them with the TPLF. What is today known as the Voice of
the TPLF used to be aired from Sahel with the relay from the Dimsti Hafash.
The two fronts were cooperating with each other. One of the contributions of
the TPLF, for instance, is the role its fighters played in the struggle to
abort the 6th offensive in Sahel. Derg was working to repress all oppositions
fighting against it with a single strategy. And it was logical for us to
fight our common enemy with a common strategy. But the TPLF did not accept
this idea.

It believed that the military strategy of the EPLF was wrong, and
particularly in the 80s they thought that our Front did not accept guerrilla
warfare but fighting under trenches. When the Derg was weakened towards the
80s, however, we again started to work together. And the first result of such
a strategy was proved in February 1989 in the battle of Shire Endasilassie.
In this attack where the EPLF combatants took part, the presence of the Derg
in Tigrai was brought to an end. When the EPLF army was marching to Dankalia
and the TPLF fighters to Gondar, Gojam and the Oromo lands, we were carrying
out the attack in a coordinated manner. Thus the role we played should be
judged according to the contributions made and it is now meaningless to look
down up on each other by saying that we did this and they did that. The Derg
was overthrown by what all of us contributed. And the result of all this was
the peace we enjoyed during the last seven years. Had the EPLF and TPLF not
maintained good relations in 1991, it would have not been possible to bring
peace and change in both countries.

Why did these differences culminate in war?

As I have already mentioned, we had differences on the on-going Ethiopian
political process as well as some border issues. Be as it may, however,
there is one feeling that the TPLF never abandoned. They used to say that the
EPLF "was not a genuine representative of the Eritrean people; that it was
not real revolutionary; that it was, in the language of that period, a
bourgeois organization which could not bring change and had no mass support."
They considered themselves as authentic Marxists. Besides, the TPLF officials
believed that they were the only people who had clear understanding of the
issues concerning the then Albania and Soviet Union. Still at the present,
the TPLF officials are heard saying the EPLF is "a useless organization".
But can all this be a cause for what is happening now? The answer is it
cannot be a cause.

When relations between the two Fronts were severed from 1984-1988, we
boldly told them that "Even though we had differences, they should not hinder
us from cooperating with each other and that relations ought not be severed."
They were, on the contrary, disseminating a hostile propaganda against us. At
this point, we issued a very short statement. The statement stated: "We kept
quiet not because we cannot speak but preferred to do so. As our relations
would surly improve through time, we don't want to say words that would
remorse us". Why did the TPLF severe its relations with the EPLF in 1984 and
reverse that tendency of its own in 1988? In my opinion, the answer is that
this organization had felt powerful at the time. From 1976 to 1984, they
believed that they could not bring any change without the support of the
EPLF. But equally, they claimed that the relations that they established with
the EPLF was pragmatic rather than strategic. Again in 1984, they thought
that they were more powerful and revolutionary than the EPLF; that they could
overthrow the Derg without the support of this organization and be able to
create an Eritrean political force that would replace the EPLF, and as a
result, took a move as far as severing relations. What happened to the TPLF
again in 1998? To speak the truth, from 1991 to 1998, the TPLF officials were
not sure of their capabilities to control Ethiopia. It was when they felt
that they had controlled Ethiopia fully and weakened internal opposition
forces that they took the recent measure. The recent belligerent act of the
TPLF was motivated not by political or economic differences, but by the fact
that the TPLF felt powerful.

The TPLF officials allege that Eritrea is the aggressor and it is
surviving by the resources looted from Ethiopia. Moreover, the Ethiopia
government authorities accuse Eritrea of trying to dictate them. What is your
reaction to these allegations?.

This is not a new allegation. When Haileselassie planned to annex Eritrea,
he was saying that Eritrea was not economically viable and thus should not be
entitled to independence. When we had been fighting against the Haileselassie
and Derg regimes for 30 years, however, we officially disclosed that our
aspiration was to achieve independence. If Eritrea were poor, dependent on
and a burden to Ethiopia, why did then Ethiopia want to annex it? Similarly,
the so-called Ethiopian intellectuals at present label Eritrea as poor and
dependent. Equally, these people say that Eritrea is part of Ethiopia and
should be annexed to the latter.

As I have already mentioned, we, however, don't want to be a burden
for Ethiopia. Ethiopians have also no reason why they look for a burden.

As regards the TPLF officials, we have been working together for the past
seven years, and they never made such allegations during this time. What is
surprising is that the TPLF officials are now trying to rewrite this history
and experience in a new version. These officials had once defended before the
world and the media that the relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia were
established on the basis of mutual interest and said that both countries were
working on programs jointly mapped out. Now this contradictory assertions
attest to the fact that they were lying either then or at the present.

What about the allegation that the Eritrean government tries to
dictate its Ethiopian counterpart?

This is a similar allegation. Our relations are 22-years old, and we had
been resolving our differences through discussions. The two Fronts, for
instance, have been holding meetings quarterly and alternately in Eritrea and
Ethiopia to discuss bilateral issues. Besides, the two leaders used to
exchange views continuously at a higher level. Thus, if we were trying to
dictate them, why didn't they protest then? The understanding between the two
organizations was to maintain the good relations while differences still
existed. There is no reason why we dictate them and they accept our
dictation. If we were dictating them, why did, therefore, this conflict
arise? This allegation is not true and if it were true it cannot be a
justification to the cause of the current conflict.

Do you think that this border conflict could be resolved peacefully?

It cannot be resolved in any way other than in a peaceful manner. We are
stressing the need of carrying out demarcation to resolve the problem. If war
breaks out instead, it cannot resolve the conflict. It is only through
discussions that we could settle not only the current border conflict but
also political, economic and cultural issues that affect relations between
the peoples of the two countries.

What do you think the relations with Ethiopia would look like if this
conflict is peacefully resolved?

In my view, we should first ask why this conflict erupted if we are to
speak about future relations. This conflict erupted because the TPLF
officials thought that they have fully controlled Ethiopia now and could also
do the same to Eritrea. Hence, in order to establish better relations between
the two countries in the future, we should be able to change such a pattern
of behaviour. To speak the truth, the current conflict is not with Ethiopia
but with the TPLF. The TPLF officials are employing Ethiopia's resources to
their war efforts against Eritrea so as to attain their own goal. Apart from
the TPLF, other Ethiopian political forces, including the parties that formed
the coalition - the EPRDF - do not share the same view about the war against
Eritrea. Thus, if the relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia are to be
improved, a broad-based political order where the superiority of one party
does not exist must be established in Ethiopia. Currently, the TPLF
authorities are speaking about the unity of Ethiopia, waving the flag of the
country, releasing soldiers of the former regime including members of the
Workers Party of Ethiopia (WPE) whom they had thrown to jail for years.
Moreover, they are also discussing political issues with opposition forces.
But I don't think that they are doing this genuinely.

They are under political tension, and their desire is to defeat Eritrea
with whatever support they can possibly get. They are preoccupied with the
assumption that they could crush internal opposition if they would defeat
Eritrea. Therefore, good relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia would be
guaranteed if, and only if, a broad-based and participatory political system
is established in Ethiopia; and this is the responsibility of the Ethiopian
people, not ours. If we assess some issues in retrospect, the Charter of the
Transitional Government of Ethiopia was prepared in Senafe, Eritrea, by the
EPLF and the OLF with the participation of the TPLF. When the Mengistu regime
was overthrown in 1991, the only organization to hold state power in Ethiopia
was the TPLF, for it was a political force which struggled most and paid
great sacrifices to topple the Derg. The people of Tigrai shouldered 99
percent of the burden to overthrow that regime. We didn't, however, forget
that the TPLF government would be a minority when it holds state power in
Ethiopia. But the understanding we reached with the TPLF at the time was to
allow the participation of other political forces and the entire Ethiopian
people gradually.

What has practically been witnessed in Ethiopia during the past seven
years, however, was the act of narrowing the political scope of the
government. If we see the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for
instance, there are ambassadors who are appointed from various Ethiopian
nationalities. However, these ambassadors very well know that they have no
real power to discharge their duties vis-a-vis other diplomats who happen to
be members of the TPLF. I have already mentioned that the two organizations
used to hold a joint meeting quarterly. However, we never saw officials
coming from other nationalities in these meetings. We continuously told them
to involve other officials too, but to no avail. Is this not a domestic
affair?

Of course, it is Ethiopia's domestic affairs. I have clearly pointed out
this. The responsibility to change this trend belongs to Ethio pians. But we
had been cooperating with each other, and this has contributed its share for
the development of both peoples. The Eritrean struggle had contributed its
share in bringing about political change in Ethiopia. Equally, the Ethiopian
struggle had also played a role in Eritrea. What I am saying is that if good
relations are to be established between Eritrea and Ethiopia, a broad-based
government which is not a threat to and accepts the sovereignty and political
process of Eritrea should be formed in that country. One of the problems of
the TPLF is that it feels the competition is between Eritrea and Tigrai. The
lesson we had drawn from our experience during the past 30 years, however,
shows us that there would be no peace but war whenever Ethiopia takes a move
to make Eritrea kneel down. During the past seven years, we have practically
proved that we could co-exist peacefully. A similar political atmosphere
should be created in Ethiopia in the future. The TPLF officially says that
its objective is not only to recapture what they call "Ethiopian territory"
but also to crush Eritrea for ever. As long as this is their objective, we
cannot speak about peace and good relations.

You have earlier raised one point. You said that the current conflict is
between Eritrea and the TPLF, not Ethiopia. But practically, the TPLF has
assumed state power and the war was declared by the country's parliament.
What are your comments on this?

Everybody knows this drama, and therefore would not be difficult to
understand. Not only the declaration of the war against Eritrea but also all
others issues are first decided by the TPLF. Are there really MPs who are not
members of the TPLF at the present? I used to hear that there were two MPs,
one of whom is no more a member of Parliament. All other MPs are either
members of the Ethiopian Peoples'Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) or
members of other organizations that were closely working with this Front.
When the Ethiopian Parliament was passing resolutions on May 13, it had no
knowledge at all about Badme. We were earlier discussing the issue of Badme
with the TPLF but the Parliament did not.

Therefore, the Parliament adopted a resolutions on an issue about which it
had no knowledge. Could the Parliament really oppose plans and bring tangible
changes? Presently, it is the TPLF which is commanding Ethiopian politics,
economy, foreign affairs, security and army. And after the declaration of
war, the Parliament never discussed the issue. A month ago, the MPs have said
that even though the war has been declared in the name of Parliament, they
knew nothing about what is going on at present and that they could not
explain any issue concerning the war to the electorate.

Members of the Ethiopian army in the front lines are also divided along
ethnic lines and meetings to them are held on the basis of this factor. In
fact, the TPLF assumes state power. But practically, the decisions are made
by the organization itself. The decision of expelling Eritreans from Ethiopia
was, for instance, decided by the TPLF, not the Cabinet or Parliament. The
officials in the Oromia region have told Eritreans that they are expelling
Eritreans under order. That is why I said the conflict is between Eritrea and
the TPLF.

[eden]

Yemane saw the problem of too much power concentrated in Ethiopia. TPLF should have devolved power to the rest. EPLF should have done the same. The two countries were under Tigrigna speaking leadership and when their differences reached unmanageable, the people in both countries were used to carry the cost of war. If there were enough non Tegaru leaders with real powers in Eritrea and Ethiopia, the war could have been averted and countless lives saved.

I have advocated for the two to devolve power away from Tigrigna speaking elites but nobody listens.

I don't know why Yemane doesn't learn from his own past advice to TPLF on sharing power in Ethiopvia, and share power in Eritrea and pressure Abiy to do the same now.



This is what I posted 10 years ago:

i hope and i pray the two aig'ame elites do not take us to another destructive war. as long as power is concentrated, tensions will continue. the solution is to devolve power away from the two cousins. non aig'ame elites in both countries have less incentive/ ego to prove to eachother. stability requires power be redistributed in both countries.

[sebdoyeley]

Agame, you don't have a working backbone to share anything now.
we broke you beyond repair!!!!
aside from that thank you brother Sadaca,

Yemane saw the problem of too much power concentrated in Ethiopia. TPLF should have devolved power to the rest. EPLF should have done the same. The two countries were under Tigrigna speaking leadership and when their differences reached unmanageable, the people in both countries were used to carry the cost of war. If there were enough non Tegaru leaders with real powers in Eritrea and Ethiopia, the war could have been averted and countless lives saved.

I have advocated for the two to devolve power away from Tigrigna speaking elites but nobody listens.

I don't know why Yemane doesn't learn from his own past advice to TPLF on sharing power in Ethiopvia, and share power in Eritrea and pressure Abiy to do the same now.



This is what I posted 10 years ago:

i hope and i pray the two aig'ame elites do not take us to another destructive war. as long as power is concentrated, tensions will continue. the solution is to devolve power away from the two cousins. non aig'ame elites in both countries have less incentive/ ego to prove to eachother. stability requires power be redistributed in both countries.

[Misraq]

Eden

It looks like the tigrigna in Eritrea prevailed while your tigrigna fall from grace. Now, time to prove to brother sodebley that he did not broke your backbone

Cheers lowlanderu.