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Fiyameta
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THE AGAME THIEF OF WEST AFRICA

Post by Fiyameta » 23 Jul 2021, 19:48

Power Trip
Inside a $500 Million Spending Spree by a Dictator’s Son



Teodoro Obiang Mangue, the vice president of Equatorial Guinea


Three-fourths of the people in Equatorial Guinea have no internet access, but Teodoro Obiang Mangue isn’t one of them.

The African nation’s vice president—who is the son of the current president—regales his 116,000 Instagram followers with images from his high-flying lifestyle: a ride on a water jetpack, a spin in an F1 race car, a trip to Carnaval. He reportedly has indulged himself with a $100 million mansion in Paris, a $38 million jet, Ferraris, Aston Martins, and a host of Michael Jackson memorabilia, including a “$275,000 crystal-covered glove that Jackson wore on his ‘Bad’ tour.”

Anti-corruption investigators say his profligate spending has been financed with government funds—and it has to stop. This week, the British government sanctioned Obiang over accusations of rampant graft, amid claims that he has improperly spent over $500 million since he became a government minister in 1998. As part of the sanctions, Obiang’s assets will be frozen and he will be banned from entering the U.K.

“The action we have taken today targets individuals who have lined their own pockets at the expense of their citizens,” said foreign minister Dominic Raab in a statement. “Corruption drains the wealth of poorer nations, keeps their people trapped in poverty, and poisons the well of democracy.”

The government of Equatorial Guinea did not immediately respond to a request for comment, nor did Obiang in a message to his personal Instagram account, though he has previously denied wrongdoing. Online, he is projecting an air of calm. On Friday morning he posted a pair of photos to his Instagram page, perched on the edge of a luxury armchair and grinning in a bright crimson blazer.



Obiang’s penchant for fancy things started young. He reportedly went to a private high school in Normandy, in France, then took English language classes at Pepperdine University, where he traveled around in a limousine and holed up at a rental house in Malibu and at the Beverly Wilshire Hotel, according to a 2007 report in the university’s newspaper. He rarely attended class, the paper said, and he was eventually asked to leave the program early.

Soon after, Obiang entered the Equatorial Guinean government. It was a family affair; Obiang’s father, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, seized power from his uncle in a 1979 coup and has ruled continuously ever since.



It was an auspicious time to join the family trade, as Equatorial Guinea was substantially expanding its oil exploration program. “It was one of the poorest countries when oil was discovered in the '90s, and it was also a country with very little administrative infrastructure,” Sarah Saadoun, a senior researcher at Human Rights Watch, told The Daily Beast. The newfound wealth quickly found its way into the pockets of the president and his inner circle, Saadoun says. “[The younger Obiang] is unique in the shamelessness of how he spends that money.”

Obiang allegedly found other ways to enrich himself, too. While serving as Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, for example, he “instituted a large ‘revolutionary tax’ on timber, but insisted that the payments be made directly to him” or to a company he owned, according to a 2007 memo from the U.S. Department of Justice. (Equatorial Guinea has argued that these actions were legal.)

Obiang’s official government salary at the time was $60,000, the Justice Department reported. Yet between April 2005 and the end of 2006, “at least $73 million was wire transferred to the U.S.” on his behalf and was used to buy a $35 million house in Malibu and a $33.8 million jet.



More legal tumult followed. In 2014, the U.S. government settled corruption allegations against Obiang, and he agreed to forfeit more than $30 million in assets. Three years later, a French court found him guilty (in absentia) of embezzlement, imposed a three-year suspended sentence, and confiscated tens of millions of dollars in holdings. One major point of contention was an enormous mansion in Paris that served as a personal residence for Obiang. The Equatorial Guinean government argued it was a diplomatic outpost, but a United Nations court later overruled that claim.

Meanwhile, in 2018 the government of Brazil reportedly seized roughly $1.5 million in cash and $15 million in watches that Obiang and his delegation brought into the country. (Equatorial Guinea claimed the search was unlawful.) Foreigners could bring up to $2,400 in cash into Brazil, per domestic law; it was not a close call.

As for the United Kingdom, sanctions restrictions are reviewed on an ongoing basis, and at a minimum of every three years. Obiang can also lobby for their removal.

The legal trouble has shined a light on extreme wealth inequality in Equatorial Guinea. It’s the third-richest country in Africa, measured by gross domestic product per capita. At the same time, according to World Bank data, a third of the population lacks basic sanitation services.

For global governments, the challenge will be reappropriating funds and ensuring it isn’t simply siphoned anew. When the government of Switzerland auctioned off $27 million of Obiang’s cars in 2019, the most valuable among them, a Koenigsegg One:1, reportedly found its way back into his collection.

Abe Abraham
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Joined: 05 Jun 2013, 13:00

Re: THE AGAME THIEF OF WEST AFRICA

Post by Abe Abraham » 23 Jul 2021, 20:23

Margaret Thatcher 'gave her approval' to her son Mark's failed coup attempt in Equatorial Guinea


Unpublished version of memoir by former SAS officer Simon Mann records Baroness Thatcher's endorsement of plan to depose oil-rich country's president





Daniel Boffey
Sun 14 Apr 2013 00.06 BST

Margaret Thatcher approved of a failed attempt to use an army of mercenaries to overthrow the president of Equatorial Guinea, according to the unpublished memoirs of the chief protagonist of the bid, former SAS officer Simon Mann.

The former prime minister, whose son, Sir Mark, was convicted in a South African court of involvement in the attempted 2004 coup, allegedly told Mann at a meeting at her Belgravia home: "I'm sure it's going to work".

It is claimed that Thatcher likened the need for radical change in the oil-rich Equatorial Guinea to the way London's Docklands had been redeveloped during the 1980s.

She is also alleged to have encouraged Mann to talk to a group seeking to overthrow the then president of Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, with the words: "We must always look after our friends, Simon … as I'm sure you know."

In an affair known as the Wonga coup, Mann and 69 mercenaries attempted to replace Equatorial Guinea's dictator Teodoro Obiang with an exiled opposition politician, Severo Moto, in March 2004. The escapade went dramatically wrong and led to Mann being convicted and imprisoned.

Mann, whose father was George Mann, captain of the England cricket team in the 1940s, was pardoned and released from the regime's notorious Black Beach prison in 2009, on humanitarian grounds.

Sir Mark attempted to avoid implication in the illegal coup, but was found guilty by a court in South Africa, where he was living at the time, of having provided finance for helicopters to be used in the overthrow. He was fined $500,000 and given a four-year suspended prison sentence.

On his release from prison, Mann said he could never forgive Sir Mark, who he claimed was a key participant in the military adventure rather than a mere investor, for failing to come to his aid. Details of the meetings between Mann and Baroness Thatcher, held in the lead-up to the attempted coup, were originally due to be published in Mann's memoir, Cry Havoc, which came out in 2011. This section was removed on the advice of the publisher, John Blake. However, an early manuscript of the book has been obtained by the Observer and its full claims can be revealed for the first time.

Thatcher's mental capacity was already on the wane in 2003 – the year her husband, Denis, died – when the conversations are said to have occurred. Their content will prove embarrassing for her son as he prepares for his mother's funeral on Wednesday.

Mann had known Thatcher for a number of years by this time: the two were introduced by Sir Mark, who was a neighbour of his in Cape Town. Recording a meeting that took place in the first-floor sitting room of Thatcher's home in Chester Square, in London's Belgravia, in autumn 2003, Mann says it became clear that the former Tory leader knew and approved of the plans for the Equatorial Guinea coup, describing them as "jolly good".

He writes: "Maggie asks me how 'their' money is being handled. I reassure her that it is going through an air ambulance joint venture, separate to any other investment. Maggie talks about the Docklands redevelopment in London. How everything had to be razed to the ground first."

In a later conversation in South Africa, Thatcher is said to have commented: "I do hope you'll be getting on with this job of yours soon, Simon. We mustn't let anyone down, must we?"

Thatcher is also said to have asked whether Mann had yet met a group, led by a man called Sanchos, who were seeking to remove Chávez from Venezuela. Mann writes: "No – I hadn't: but, Mark says, we are seeing him next day, in Eaton Place, just next door."

He continues with Thatcher's reply: "'Good. Well, I hope that goes well too.' She looked at me with her imperial gaze. 'We must always look after our friends, Simon … as I'm sure you know.'"

Mann declined to comment.


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