A complete English translation of Isaias Afwerki’s Eritrean TV Interview, 17 February 2021
Posted: 01 Mar 2021, 20:31
A rough translation into English by Habte Hagos
Introduction
Isaias Afwerki, the only President the State of Eritrea has ever known, who has never been endorsed in an election, gave an interview on a wide range of issues on 17 February 2021. The outlet he chose was EriTV, the government controlled and the only legal TV channel in the country. The President spoke in Tigrinya and at times used English words and phrases out of context. The interview took the form of previous such interviews. It was what can only be described as a “lecture/speech.” In three parts, it lasted 2 hours, 22 minutes and 49 seconds in total. The President was asked just 8 questions in that time during what was billed as an “Interview with President Isaias Afwerki on timely regional issues”.
My first language is Tigrinya and my ancestral village is only 15 minutes’ drive from Isaias’ home village off the road from Asmara to Dekemhare. However, I am not a fan of Isaias, have never been. Despite this, I have endeavoured to translate the talks accurately and in unbiased manner. I spent a great deal of time listening to each sentence and word. I found the talks convoluted, incoherent, repetitious and at times simply impossible to make any sense of it. As a result, and despite my best efforts, I may have got the wrong end of the stick and mistranslated parts of what was said. For this I apologise from the outset and stand ready to be corrected.
The names of the two young bright interviewers were not given as part of the introduction to the talks. Regrettably, therefore, I have called them “Interviewer 1 (on the right)” and “Interviewer 2 (on the left)”.
The President’s Speech in Bullet Points
The 2018 peace agreement between Ethiopia and Eritrea was a clear indication that the role of Wayane (TPLF) junta had ended – “game over”. The junta then started to prepare for war; contrary to the agreement and they placed obstacles to jeopardise the initiative.
We met Debertsion [now former President of Tigray] in Zelambessa on 11 September 2018. I was not in a mood to talk to him. This was followed by another meeting in Omhajer. I only agreed to do so late the previous night having said I would not meet him up to that point. I had only one message/question and repeatedly asked myself if I should say it or not. In the end, I thought better to say it. I asked Debretsion, why are you preparing for war? Why? He replied, “it won’t happen”.
The TPLF seemed concerned about attacks from the South and from Eritrea in the North. We started to carefully study the situation and to make our own preparations.
The TPLF junta foolishly attacked the Northern Command in late October 2020. Their aim was to kill and capture troops and then march to Addis Ababa to overthrow the Federal Government. And on their way to remove the Government in Asmara from power [Asmara is on the opposite direction to Addis]. To go to war for such a stupid reason was a “miscalculation” and was totally unexpected.
The conflict in Tigray is madness and we will need to learn from it before we can move on. We cannot say the conflict is over, there will be long and protracted war by the remnants of the junta who will not rest and accept defeat.
In 1994, Meles and I met. He gave me a copy the draft Ethiopian constitution that has not been shared widely and asked for comments. I carefully read the constitution and said to Meles this is not a good constitution for Ethiopia (or any other country). It will put the country in danger not only because of clause 39 [regional autonomy or secession] but much more. Meles replied, the TPLF want to put “explosives” in all the regions of Ethiopia and if it works fine and if not, we blow them up one by one.
When small regional administrations are created, powerful individuals’ takeover, including religious ones. The region gets destroyed, then NGOs come in and take opportunities away from the local administration. It then creates ethnic divisions which in turn brings in external actors with their own agenda. This is the case in Ethiopia, and it must not be seen separate from what has happened elsewhere.
Continue reading at Eritrea Hub
Introduction
Isaias Afwerki, the only President the State of Eritrea has ever known, who has never been endorsed in an election, gave an interview on a wide range of issues on 17 February 2021. The outlet he chose was EriTV, the government controlled and the only legal TV channel in the country. The President spoke in Tigrinya and at times used English words and phrases out of context. The interview took the form of previous such interviews. It was what can only be described as a “lecture/speech.” In three parts, it lasted 2 hours, 22 minutes and 49 seconds in total. The President was asked just 8 questions in that time during what was billed as an “Interview with President Isaias Afwerki on timely regional issues”.
My first language is Tigrinya and my ancestral village is only 15 minutes’ drive from Isaias’ home village off the road from Asmara to Dekemhare. However, I am not a fan of Isaias, have never been. Despite this, I have endeavoured to translate the talks accurately and in unbiased manner. I spent a great deal of time listening to each sentence and word. I found the talks convoluted, incoherent, repetitious and at times simply impossible to make any sense of it. As a result, and despite my best efforts, I may have got the wrong end of the stick and mistranslated parts of what was said. For this I apologise from the outset and stand ready to be corrected.
The names of the two young bright interviewers were not given as part of the introduction to the talks. Regrettably, therefore, I have called them “Interviewer 1 (on the right)” and “Interviewer 2 (on the left)”.
The President’s Speech in Bullet Points
The 2018 peace agreement between Ethiopia and Eritrea was a clear indication that the role of Wayane (TPLF) junta had ended – “game over”. The junta then started to prepare for war; contrary to the agreement and they placed obstacles to jeopardise the initiative.
We met Debertsion [now former President of Tigray] in Zelambessa on 11 September 2018. I was not in a mood to talk to him. This was followed by another meeting in Omhajer. I only agreed to do so late the previous night having said I would not meet him up to that point. I had only one message/question and repeatedly asked myself if I should say it or not. In the end, I thought better to say it. I asked Debretsion, why are you preparing for war? Why? He replied, “it won’t happen”.
The TPLF seemed concerned about attacks from the South and from Eritrea in the North. We started to carefully study the situation and to make our own preparations.
The TPLF junta foolishly attacked the Northern Command in late October 2020. Their aim was to kill and capture troops and then march to Addis Ababa to overthrow the Federal Government. And on their way to remove the Government in Asmara from power [Asmara is on the opposite direction to Addis]. To go to war for such a stupid reason was a “miscalculation” and was totally unexpected.
The conflict in Tigray is madness and we will need to learn from it before we can move on. We cannot say the conflict is over, there will be long and protracted war by the remnants of the junta who will not rest and accept defeat.
In 1994, Meles and I met. He gave me a copy the draft Ethiopian constitution that has not been shared widely and asked for comments. I carefully read the constitution and said to Meles this is not a good constitution for Ethiopia (or any other country). It will put the country in danger not only because of clause 39 [regional autonomy or secession] but much more. Meles replied, the TPLF want to put “explosives” in all the regions of Ethiopia and if it works fine and if not, we blow them up one by one.
When small regional administrations are created, powerful individuals’ takeover, including religious ones. The region gets destroyed, then NGOs come in and take opportunities away from the local administration. It then creates ethnic divisions which in turn brings in external actors with their own agenda. This is the case in Ethiopia, and it must not be seen separate from what has happened elsewhere.
Continue reading at Eritrea Hub