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[OPFist]

Leaving Power: the Common Mistake of Haile Fida, Lenco Lata, Kemal Gelchu, and Lemma Megersa

By Fayyis Oromia*

According to past experiences in Oromo politics, leaving central power in Finfinne has not brought significant benefits to the Oromo liberation movement. During the Derg era, Haile Fida left his position of power due to what many consider a tactical miscalculation, thereby exposing Oromo elites who were rallying behind him to greater danger.

Similarly, Lenco Lata declined to accept the presidency and withdrew from the Charter process during the rule of Tigray People’s Liberation Front, a decision that, according to this view, contributed to severe consequences for many Oromo nationalists, including the loss of life and livelihood.

Likewise, Kemal Gelchu might have contributed more effectively to the Oromo struggle had he and his military supporters pursued an internal struggle against the hegemony of the ruling establishment rather than leaving it.

Furthermore, Lemma Megersa’s departure from central power created an opportunity for the hybrid anti-Oromic political actors led by Abiy Ahmed to take control of the momentum generated by the Qérrô movement.

In general, this perspective suggests that Oromo political elites can be more effective when they remain within existing power structures and work to influence them from within rather than withdrawing from positions of authority. Now, the way forward for Oromo elites is negotiation and reconciliation.

The hitherto negotiations between the Oromo organisations have captured the attention of many Oromo nationalists and political observers. These discussions represent a pivotal moment in the quest for self-determination and national unity for the Oromo people. In recent years, it has become increasingly apparent that the majority of genuine Oromo nationalists are now aligned in the goal of fostering Oropia — an Oromic-led geofederation.

It is undeniable that Ethiopia’s future is likely to be shaped by the leadership of Oromummà. The country’s political landscape is gradually shifting, and the influence of Oromo nationalism is growing. While some Amhara elites have raised objections to this trend, their opposition seems unlikely to alter the course of events. Prime Minister Dr. Abiy Ahmed appears to be reconciling with his Oromo constituency, a significant shift following his previous efforts to appease Neo-Naftagna factions.

These factions, while initially using him to suppress both Oromo and Tigrayan nationalists, ultimately turned against him, much like their previous manipulation of Mengistu H. Ayàna. Dr. Abiy’s efforts to balance these conflicting forces have now backfired, and his current conflict with the Amhara elites and their rejection of the Oromo-led Prosperity Party may be their most significant miscalculation.

The ultimate outcome of these political struggles will likely favor the Oromo people, whose leadership of the country will be essential in ensuring equality for all nations and nationalities within the envisioned Oropia. The future of Oropia promises to be democratic, with a strong emphasis on proportional representation of various cultures and languages, including Oromic (40%), Agawigna (20%), Amharigna (10%), Af-Somali (6%), Tigrigna (5%), and other languages. Such a vision promises a truly inclusive and diverse society.

Reflecting on the Oromo national movement’s historical context, particularly the events in Atlanta, Georgia, in July 2009, we are reminded of the importance of self-determination. During that week, which featured a blend of political, cultural, and social events, the Oromo community clearly expressed its collective commitment to self-determination as the ultimate goal. This sentiment is now broadly accepted among Oromo political organizations.

Many Oromo leaders emphasize two primary paths: an independent Oromia (covering 600,000 square kilometers) or an integrative Oropia (spanning 1,130,000 square kilometers). While this framing presents a critical decision point, I contend that the Oromo nation is not at a crossroads between two competing visions, but rather has consistently pursued a singular objective: self-determination. Whether through an independent Oromia or through participation in a self-governing Oropia, the direction remains liberation for the Oromo people.

The concept of “autonomous Oromia within a united Ethiopia” should be viewed not as a compromise but as a strategic step towards further self-governance. These proposals aim to avoid confrontation with Ethiopia’s Habesha elites and international stakeholders who have historically favored a united Ethiopia. Nevertheless, the underlying ideology remains that the Oromo people must ultimately decide between two primary options: full independence or self-governance within a larger Oropia.

The political landscape among the Oromo is shaped by three primary movements, each representing different strategies toward self-determination:
- OPP focuses on preserving the status quo of limited cultural autonomy and preventing a regression to the pre-1991 era, when Oromia did not exist as a recognized entity.
- OFC advocates for genuine autonomy for Oromia within a true federal union, while also positioning this as a transitional step toward full independence if the people so choose.
- OLF is committed to achieving full national self-determination, either through democratic means or armed struggle, allowing the Oromo to decide between Oromia and Oropia.

This multi-faceted approach has understandably raised concerns among Oromo adversaries, particularly among those in the Habesha establishment. The coherence of the OLF-driven ideology, which resonates across the various political factions, has left opponents uncertain in their response. While some in the OPP may publicly claim that the Oromo people have already attained liberation, their actions subtly work toward the full liberation of the nation. Similarly, OFC leaders may talk about unity, but their intentions focus on securing Oromia’s freedom within Oropia. The Oromo liberation movement is thus far more coordinated and unified than its adversaries have realized.

Ultimately, the Oromo nation’s goal is clear — a future where all Oromo people can live with dignity, freedom, and self-determination. The main differences between political factions lie not in the ultimate goal but in the means, pace, and post-liberation sovereignty options. These options include:
- An Independent Oromia
- A Federal Orompia (an Oromic-led ethnic federation)
- An Integrative Oropia

Questions that should guide both current Oromo gatherings and the ongoing negotiations between OLA and OPP include: “Which path are we taking to reach our goal?” and “How can we achieve our goal more swiftly?” These inquiries are central to the negotiations and the broader movement for Oromo liberation.

In conclusion, the Oromo nation is not at a crossroads but is rather marching forward with purpose and strategy. Once the Oromo people achieve their liberation, they will have the opportunity to choose between the various post-liberation options. The best route to this liberation is to stay in central power and work from within, not to repeat the mistake of Oromo elites mentioned above.

Regarding the type of Oromo sovereignty after freedom, I personally advocate for the establishment of a democratic, inclusive, and multicultural Oropia, where the Oromo people assume their rightful leadership. It is my hope that this vision will emerge from the negotiations between the OLA and the OPP, and I await this outcome with anticipation.

Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/04/3 ... -ethiopia/

[Dama]

Sometimes, when the end is near, when you are absolutely sure exhausted all safe avenues for peaceful politics, when your demise is imminent, you have a responsibility to flee and continue the fight another day.
I know, for certain Dr.Haile Fida, made the decision to flee power after deliberations by his party caucus to get out of Addis sooner than late before they were hit by assassins' bullets or strangulation in some dark house, to start armed struggle in Wellega. A document exists.