Is Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Prepared to Realize Oromo's Àdà, Afàn, and Àngo (ÀAÀ)?
By Fayyis Oromia*
The Oromo political struggle has reached a critical juncture. At present, the Oromo people have little choice but to act collectively to safeguard the gains achieved thus far and to pursue the remaining objectives of their national struggle. Various anti-Oromo forces are actively working to remove Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from power and, in doing so, to dismantle Oromo political, cultural, and linguistic advancements. Ironically, Prime Minister Abiy himself has significantly alienated his Oromo constituency by attempting to appease dominant Habesha elites, thereby undermining Oromo national interests.
Given the current political realities, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has limited strategic options. To ensure both political survival and historical relevance, he must return to his primary constituency—the Oromo people. Likewise, Oromo nationalists who previously opposed or criticized his leadership face a difficult but pragmatic choice: to engage with the Prime Minister, encourage reconciliation, and press him to align his administration with the core demands of the Oromo struggle.
At the center of these demands lies the realization of Oromo's Àdà (culture), Afàn (language), and Àngo (political power)—collectively referred to as ÀAÀ. Prime Minister Abiy must demonstrate clear political will by consolidating Oromo political power, elevating Afàn Oromo to the primary federal working language in place of Amharic, and strengthening Oromo cultural institutions, including the modernization and institutional recognition of the Gadà democratic system. Should he commit decisively to these goals, he may ultimately be remembered as one of the most consequential Oromo leaders in history. Failure to do so, however, would likely consign him to history as a leader who betrayed Oromo aspirations to secure elite approval.
Symbolic gestures alone are insufficient. While the state-sponsored celebration of Irréchà in Finfinné and Bishoftu may have temporarily placated Oromo public sentiment, such initiatives remain superficial without substantive policy change. Attempts to marginalize Oromo nationalist symbols during these celebrations underscore the fragility of the regime’s reconciliation efforts. Genuine reconciliation requires institutional reform, beginning with the formal prioritization of Afàn Oromo in government communication, public speeches, and federal institutions—including parliament, courts, the military, and security services.
Recent political developments suggest that Prime Minister Abiy and the Prosperity Party may be attempting to re-engage with the Oromummaa political camp. The release of political figures such as Jawar Mohammed and the initiation of dialogue with the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) indicate a possible shift. This realignment has unsettled Amhara nationalist elites, many of whom had previously supported Abiy under the expectation that he would preserve Amharic dominance and suppress Oromo political mobilization. Their growing opposition reflects a perception of betrayal rather than principled democratic concern.
The emerging convergence among Oromo political organizations—including the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), OLF/OLA, and the Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP)—represents a significant challenge to entrenched assimilationist politics. This unity offers an opportunity to redefine Ethiopian statehood by advancing a genuinely democratic federation in which Oromo political and linguistic leadership plays a central role. Such a vision echoes the ideas articulated by Dr. Haile Fida, who argued that a democratic Ethiopia—whether ethnically or geographically federated—would, in practice, reflect Oromo leadership given demographic and territorial realities.
Oromummaa, understood as Oromo national identity, has historically been undermined by Amaranet, which has often operated under the broader ideological banner of Ethiopiawinet. Since the late thirteenth century, the expansion of Amaranet has relied on the systematic erosion of Oromo and Agaw identities. Contemporary resistance to Oromo political and cultural resurgence is therefore not an isolated phenomenon but part of a long historical pattern.
Amhara elites have repeatedly sought to instrumentalize successive leaders—Mengistu Haile Mariam, Meles Zenawi, and now Abiy Ahmed—to preserve linguistic and political dominance. As long as Prime Minister Abiy maintains Amharic hegemony while delaying the elevation of Afàn Oromo, he risks repeating the mistakes of his predecessors. History demonstrates that once such elites consolidate sufficient power, they readily discard leaders who no longer serve their interests.
Prime Minister Abiy has already lost the confidence of most Tigrayans and a substantial portion of the Oromo population. While the defeat of TPLF hegemonism was necessary, it did not resolve the underlying national question. Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution, often cited as a safeguard for self-determination, was primarily designed to protect TPLF strategic interests rather than to guarantee genuine autonomy for all nations. The Somali region’s experience following its 1995 self-determination decision illustrates the selective application of this constitutional provision.
Ultimately, sustainable stability in Ethiopia requires principled reconciliation between Oromo and Amhara elites grounded in mutual recognition and justice. Addressing the Amhara question must not come at the expense of Oromo national rights, just as Oromo justice cannot be achieved through the marginalization of others. Continued elite rivalry only perpetuates ethnic conflict and benefits opportunistic actors and external interests.
Conclusion
Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali stands at a historic crossroads. By fully embracing Oromummaa, institutionalizing Afàn Oromo as the federal working language, strengthening Oromo cultural institutions, and restoring Oromia’s territorial integrity, he can redefine his legacy and contribute to the construction of a democratic and inclusive Ethiopian state. Failure to act decisively will not only deepen political instability but will also ensure that history judges his leadership harshly.
Galatôma.
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2019/03/1 ... le-oromia/
Re: Is Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Prepared to Realize Oromo's Àdà, Afàn, and Àngo (ÀAÀ)?
The Oromo political struggle has reached a critical juncture. At present, the Oromo people have little choice but to act collectively to safeguard the gains achieved thus far and to pursue the remaining objectives of their national struggle. Various anti-Oromo forces are actively working to remove Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed from power and, in doing so, to dismantle Oromo political, cultural, and linguistic advancements. Ironically, Prime Minister Abiy himself has significantly alienated his Oromo constituency by attempting to appease dominant Habesha elites, thereby undermining Oromo national interests.