Dr. Abiy Will Be Remembered in History as Neither Goota Oromo nor Ye Amhara Jegina
By Fayyyis Oromia*
It appears that Dr. Abiy Ahmed lost the opportunity to become either goota Oromo (an Oromo hero) or ye Amhara jegina (an Amhara hero, which can also be understood as an Ethiopian hero). By attempting to operate simultaneously within both the Amharanet bloc and the Oromumma camp, he ended up being perceived as neither. Instead of being celebrated in both spheres, he is increasingly viewed as a divisive figure. This raises a question: Can he correct his course, align himself firmly with the Oromo cause, and salvage a positive legacy?
Rising Tensions Between Pro-Amharic and Pro-Oromic Camps
The conflict between the pro-Amharic-dominance bloc and the pro-Oromic-leadership camp is escalating. Notably, many of the prominent actors in both groups are Oromo elites—those inclined toward Amharic-centered state ideology and those advocating for Oromic leadership.
This internal linguistic and ideological tension dates back to 1270, during the reign of Yekuno Amlak. For centuries, the Amharic bloc prevailed with minimal challenge. However, the emergence of the OLF changed this trajectory, enabling the pro-Oromic movement to gain ground slowly and steadily.
Stages of Oromic Advancement:
- 1974 Revolution: approximately 25% liberation from Amharic dominance
- 1991 (post-Derg): around 50%
- 2018 political transition: roughly 75%
Yet this momentum was interrupted by what some describe as “hybrids”—people of Oromo descent who nevertheless promote Amharic supremacy in federal institutions. According to this view, Dr. Abiy Ahmed exemplifies this category. These leaders allegedly capitalized on the Qeerroo movement to perpetuate the dominance of Amharic, keeping Oromic in a secondary position.
In this framework, these hybrid leaders are distrusted by the Amharic bloc due to their Oromo background and unsupported by the Oromic camp due to their perceived Amharic allegiance—caught in an unsustainable political limbo.
From Habesha Domination to Hybrid Domination
The political change of 2018 did not liberate Oromia; rather, it replaced the previous Habesha elite with Oromo-origin leaders who continue to elevate Amharic in national institutions. Thus, despite demographic realities, Amarigna remains the dominant federal language. Oromic, the most widely spoken language in Ethiopia, still lacks primacy in the parliament, executive office, judiciary, military, and security infrastructure.
For genuine transformation, it is argued that true Oromo nationalists must overcome both the hybrid bloc in power and any resurgence of the Habesha elite. The aims include reclaiming federal power in Finfinne, promoting Oromic as the primary federal language, and empowering the Oromo nation economically.
Historical Roots of Amaranet and Oromumma
Both Amaranet and Oromumma can be traced to the same people historically. Around 1270, Oromo elites within the imperial structure adopted and revered Amharic as the lisane nigus (language of royalty), marginalizing Oromic as a language of farmers and commoners. Since then, Ethiopia has largely been ruled not by ethnic Amharas per se, but by elites of mixed or Oromo origin who embraced Amharic-centered ideology.
This dynamic persists. Today, influential political leaders—whether Oromo, Gurage, or otherwise—who operate within the Amharic framework continue to dominate federal institutions. Meanwhile, pro-Oromic actors face repression. Thus, the central question remains: Can pro-Oromic democrats finally reclaim political space and elevate Oromic to its rightful federal status?
Federalism, Language, and the Abiy–Lamma Rift
The dispute between Dr. Abiy Ahmed and Obbo Lamma Magarsa appears rooted in differing visions of federalism and, crucially, the role of language in federal institutions. Critics argue that Abiy upholds Amharic supremacy, maintaining Ethiopia as an “Amapia”—a state dominated by Amharic identity.
By contrast, elevating Oromic to the primary federal working language would shift Ethiopia toward “Oropia”—an Oromic-led democratic state potentially broader than the original OLF vision.
Both Abiy’s centralist outlook (zeginet) and Lamma’s pluralist approach (zewuginet) compete for influence over Ethiopia’s federal future. Oromo republicans like Lamma maintain strong regional support and could shape both regional and national politics.
Transformations in Oromo Politics
Historically, I supported Oromo unity and Oromo–Amhara alliance—both of which have begun to take shape despite ongoing complexities:
- The Qeerroo movement marched to Bahir Dar with the slogan Xanan keenya (“Our Lake”), symbolizing shared heritage.
- Lamma Magarsa’s visit to the Amhara region under the banner Ethiopiyan kénya (“Our Ethiopia”) showed a willingness for dialogue.
These efforts reflect growing psychological shifts: Oromo elites increasingly accept Ethiopia as “our country,” while Amhara elites are beginning to acknowledge their distinct ethnic identity within a federal system.
Three Generations of Oromo Nationalist Thought
1. First Generation (1960s) — Arrab-tokké (Single-tongued): Rigid, ideological, “my way or the highway.” Recognized only one sovereignty option (independence, federal union, or integration) and dismissed all others.
2. Second Generation (1990s) — Arrab-lamée (Double-tongued): More flexible but still limited to two of the three post-liberation options.
3. Third Generation (2020s) — Arrab-sadée (Triple-tongued): Open to all three possible outcomes:
- Full independence
- Federal partnership
- Integrated Ethiopia
This generation, particularly the Qubé Generation, is capable of unifying all Oromo political factions by prioritizing freedom first, and sovereignty choice second.
Rethinking Biyya Kénya
Oromo nationalists debate which land is truly “our country”:
- Oromia (Biyya-Oromo) — our cultural and demographic homeland
- Ethiopia (Biyya-Kush) — ours conditionally, depending on democracy and equality
- Africa (Biyya-Hàm) — ours inevitably, as a continental identity
These identities need not contradict one another; they can coexist within a layered political consciousness.
Ethiopia as a Tullama Empire
Historically, Ethiopia was shaped significantly by Oromo participation—particularly the Tullama—during the reign of Menelik II. In this sense, Ethiopia can be seen not only as a Habesha empire but also as a Tullama empire. The task now is to transform it into a voluntary union rather than a hierarchical empire.
Two legitimate avenues for Oromia’s full independence exist:
- If neighboring nations choose separation.
- If the Oromo people freely vote for it via referendum.
Both perspectives—OFC’s and OLF’s—align with democratic principles.
The Path Forward
While an independent Oromia is one option, a broader and more inclusive democratic Ethiopia—Oropia—may offer greater opportunities. For now, a federated Ethiopia with genuine autonomy for Oromia is the most pragmatic transitional arrangement.
Three pillars remain essential:
- Afaan Oromo as a federal working language
- Finfinne as the cultural center of the Oromo
- Oromo political power in federal institutions
Both Abiy’s centralism and Lamma’s pluralism can serve Oromo interests if rooted in equality, democracy, and self-determination.
Galatooma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2020/01/0 ... tion-2020/