Oromo Forces Discuss How to Tackle the Emerging Threat from Northern Elites!
By Fayyis Oromia*
Reports are emerging that Oromo elites and forces—across the incumbent, rebel, and opposition camps—are holding discussions regarding the looming threat posed by anti-Oromo northern elites. The alliance between Fanno, Shabiya, and Woyane, and their plan to march on Finfinne, must be addressed strategically and urgently. In this regard, there is no alternative to unity among all Oromo forces. Oromo elites in the government, opposition, and armed struggle must come to their senses—ceasing infighting that only weakens the Oromo cause.
It is encouraging to see that the Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) have agreed to work toward establishing a Transitional Government of Oromia. Ideally, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) and Oromo Prosperity Party (OPP) should also join this initiative. Past negotiations between the OLA and OPP reportedly broke down due to disagreements—primarily over forming an inclusive Oromia government. However, the OLA’s demand was both legitimate and pragmatic. OPP elites must now prioritize the Oromo national interest above personal political ambitions.
We are at a crossroads—a moment of decision that will define the future of the Oromo people: remain divided and fail, or unite and prevail. Compromise and collaboration among all Oromo nationalist forces are essential during this period of moral, political, and economic crisis. Anti-Oromo forces are doing everything they can to reverse the 75% victory we’ve secured in our liberation struggle. This is the time to push forward and complete the journey to full Oromo liberation.
Negotiations must continue. A strong, inclusive government of Oromia—composed of forces from the OFC, OLA, OLF, and OPP—must be established. Such a government could serve as the backbone for a stable federal structure under Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed. The Prime Minister must also act boldly and decisively to address long-standing Oromo demands, including:
- Promoting Oromic as a primary working language of the federation;
- Placing Finfinne under the administration of Oromia;
- Reintegrating Wollo, including Rayyaa, into Oromia.
There is no benefit in continuing to appease Amhara elites who are clearly determined to undermine Oromummà and challenge Oromo leadership in Ethiopia.
It is uplifting to see that pro-Oromic republicans within the OFC and OLF once established a Transitional Government of Oromia. Their current effort to build a democratic federation at the Oromia level, and a broader national alliance including the OLF, ONLF, Agaw, Sidama, Qimant, and others, is inspiring.
Initially, it appeared that the Ethiopian Prosperity Party (EPP) would soon lose power. However, through manipulation and rigging, the EPP extended its rule in the 2021 “election,” which was anything but democratic. Meanwhile, it is a positive development that Tigrayan elites have regained self-rule, rising from the grave of unitarist dictatorship. Still, we must not repeat the mistake of 1991, when the TPLF seized power in Finfinne. Power in Finfinné rightfully belongs to the Oromo, both as the capital of Oromia and Ethiopia.
The OLF and OFC must act strategically and assertively to empower the Oromo people. Both Amhara and Tigrayan elites must be held in check. Oromo Prosperitans must step aside only for Oromo Republicans, not for opportunistic Habesha elites. To prevent such groups from seizing central power in Finfinné, unity among Oromo nationalists is essential.
The long-standing debate among Oromo nationalists—Ethiopian Democratization vs. Oromian Liberation (or Biyya-Kush Democratization vs. Biyya-Oromo Liberation)—has sowed deep divisions. In some cases, activists from each side have viewed the other as enemies, forgetting who the real adversaries are: the Abyssinian elites ruling from the Caffé Aràrà Palace in Finfinne.
But is it not possible to liberate Oromia and democratize Ethiopia at the same time?
Why can’t Oromo liberation forces—regardless of ideological orientation—form a coalition under a common goal of freedom? Perhaps under the name Tumsa Bilisummà Oromô (TBO) or Alliance for Freedom of the Oromo (AFO)? Was the ideological divide ever truly irreconcilable?
Common sense suggests that to preserve our gains, maintain momentum, and avoid regression, we must build a unified leadership in Biyya-Oromo—and even Biyya-Kush. Such a united front is essential to defeat hegemonist forces like the TPLF and to block the rise of reactionary Amhara elites.
Both our enemies and some misguided allies have exploited our ideological differences to divide us. Some accused Oromo federalists of being “Ethiopianists,” claiming they aimed only to democratize Ethiopia, not to liberate Oromia. But was this accusation accurate—or simply a political smear? Is it wrong for Oromo nationalists to adapt their rhetoric to different political contexts?
History provides examples: Eritrean and South Sudanese nationalists adapted their narratives strategically. Eritreans once accepted federation with Ethiopia, which failed due to the Derg regime. South Sudanese leaders spoke of autonomy within Sudan to maintain Ethiopian support, even as they pursued full independence.
So what is wrong if Oromo nationalists also adopt flexible, context-based strategies?
The real question is: Who is an “Ethiopianist Oromo”? Are federalists who seek Oromia’s autonomy within a democratic federation truly Ethiopianist in the Habesha sense? Obviously not. Their ultimate goal is to allow the Oromo to decide their fate—through a referendum.
Many now ask: Why have Eritrea and South Sudan succeeded in gaining independence while the Oromo struggle remains divided? The answer lies not only in internal issues but in external factors. Eritrean and South Sudanese movements had broad support from Arab and Western powers, along with secure sanctuaries. In contrast, the Oromo movement has faced hostility from neighboring regimes and Western allies of the Regime.
The Oromo nation—one of the largest in Africa—deserves full liberation from all forms of colonial or internal domination. Since the Berlin Conference of the 19th century, Oromo land and labor have been exploited by colonizers like Menelik II, supported by European Christian powers.
Despite this, Oromo nationalists have wasted precious energy debating “Ethiopian Democratization vs. Oromian Liberation.” This debate was weaponized by enemies to divide the Oromo. Some Oromo politicians unwittingly deepened the division by treating these goals as mutually exclusive from the beginning.
In truth, these two goals only become mutually exclusive in the second phase of the struggle—when the people vote in a referendum. Until then, they are complementary.
Within the Oromo movement, we find three main ideological strands:
- Pro-unity Oromos: Seek a democratic Ethiopia led by Oromummà (Oromo values);
- Pro-federation Oromos: Advocate for Oromia’s autonomy within a true federation;
- Pro-independence Oromos: Call for a fully sovereign Republic of Oromia.
All three share a fundamental goal: freedom and self-determination for the Oromo, ideally culminating in a referendum. Anyone who opposes this right is siding with colonial forces. Even among the Habesha elites, there are democrats who support self-determination, distinguishing them from die-hard unionists.
Thus, the real conflict is not among Oromo factions, but between the Oromo and those who deny their right to self-determination. The three Oromo camps can—and must—unite in the first phase of the liberation struggle. In the second phase, after securing freedom, they can present their different visions:
- Pro-unity Oromos may campaign for a single democratic Ethiopia;
- Pro-federation Oromos may seek Oromia’s full autonomy;
- Pro-independence Oromos may call for a sovereign Oromian state.
Until then, they should collaborate and possibly form alliances with other nationalities and democratic forces—including Habesha democrats who respect the right to self-determination.
Our goal must be the complete liberation of the Oromo people, leading to a referendum where their destiny will be decided democratically.
A free and democratic Oromia, grounded in the Gadà system, could become a beacon of hope and democracy—laying the foundation for a future United States of Africa. Finfinné, potentially the seat of the African Union Government, must be reclaimed by the Oromo. Continued occupation by oppressive forces would not only be a tragedy for Oromia but for the entire Horn of Africa.
Let us unite. Let us liberate Oromia. Let us bring our people to the threshold of self-determination through a referendum—where our collective destiny will finally be decided by our own will.
Galatôma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2019/04/1 ... n-general/