Viewpoint
Time’s Hostage: How Ethiopia’s Past is Strangling its Present and Future
2 August, 2025
Daniel Hailu
https://www.ethiopia-insight.com/2025/0 ... nd-future/
In a nation haunted by its history, memory binds the present and blinds the future
Ethiopia’s core challenge isn’t merely chronic poverty or political instability; it is a national obsession with time.
This dangerous, largely invisible force quietly undermines every attempt at progress. The past (ድሮ), the present (ዘንድሮ), and the future (ከርሞ) are not just points on a timeline, they have been contested terrains of memory, imagination, and power. We don’t simply live through time, we politicize it, weaponize it, and often drown in it.
This is Ethiopia’s politics of time.
This isn’t an abstraction. It plays out daily—in the streets, in parliament, in public services, in the everyday interactions of millions. The trauma or nostalgia isn’t just historical. It’s ongoing. And until Ethiopia breaks this cycle of temporal dysfunction, it will keep bleeding in loops.
The Weaponized Past (ድሮ)
In Ethiopia, ድሮ looms with contradictory forces. It inspires pride, rooted in sovereignty, cultural depth, and ancestral resilience, but also carries the heavy scent of famine, invasion, civil war, and state repression and cultural assimilation. The past isn’t settled; it aches.
Psychologically, this resembles a state of collective melancholia. Unlike mourning, which metabolizes loss, melancholia fuses us to what’s gone. Ethiopia’s lost objects aren’t only material (land, lives, stability) but also imagined: golden eras, unity myths, vanished moral figures and oppressed cultural groups. These haunt public consciousness, animating political rhetoric and deepening factional divides.
Leaders reach into history not to learn from it, but to weaponize it. Selective memory becomes a political strategy. One group’s hero is another’s tyrant. One region’s tragedy is another’s triumph. One group’s nostalgia is another’s trauma. In this terrain, policymaking becomes less about building the future than settling historical scores.
As a result, governance stalls. National debates orbit around restitution, not emergence. Constitutional disputes, federal arrangements, and cultural claims become contests over whose history is legitimate. Urgent present-day crises like population growth, unemployment or ecological collapse are displaced by quarrels over memory.
This preoccupation with ድሮ fractures trust. Every reform becomes suspect, a potential rewriting of the past. Transitions in power don’t mark new beginnings; they reopen old wounds. Long-term strategies are undermined by short-term political vengeance or expediencies.
This dynamic fits exactly what Reinhart Koselleck https://cup.columbia.edu/book/futures-p ... 231127714/ warned of: history used not to understand the present, but to dominate it. In Ethiopia, memory is not collective. It is competitive.
Achille Mbembe’s work suggests that countries with fractured temporalities and unresolved historical traumas—even those like Ethiopia, which largely avoided direct colonial rule—can become caught in a kind of time-warp, making the future impossible to envision. In such contexts, the past remains politically potent, not as a source of wisdom but as a site of conflict. Its weaponization inhibits healing, obstructs progress, and perpetuates instability.
So long as ድሮ is grasped more tightly than today and tomorrow, Ethiopia will remain trapped in cycles of retribution, unable to chart a shared future.
The Resigned Present (ዘንድሮ)
The burden of the past bleeds into the present. ዘንድሮ for many is experienced less as a moment to act, and more as something to endure. This isn’t just hardship, it’s a quiet surrender, woven into language, habit, and daily life.
Sayings like “ምን ይደረጋል” (“What can be done?”) or “የዘንድሮ አያልቅም ተነግሮ” (“The problems of this year are endless”) reflect a posture of fatalism. They turn pain into permanence and difficulty into inevitability. This attitude isn’t apolitical; it’s profoundly political, shaping how power operates.
When citizens accept the present with resignation, governments face little pressure. Public engagement collapses into a state of inertia. The bureaucracy mirrors the street: apathetic, inert, suspicious of change. Symbolic policies take the place of real reform. Grand announcements mask minor efforts. Cycles of disappointment fuel cycles of disillusionment.
This apathy isn’t benign. It creates a vacuum where accountability dies and corruption thrives. It allows leaders to rule unchallenged and bureaucracies to decay unrepaired. Even well-intentioned efforts are stifled by disbelief.
When expectations shrink, so does possibility. Frustration simmers until it explodes. With no faith in slow reform, grievances bypass peaceful channels and turn violent. The stillness of ዘንድሮ isn’t peace; it’s pressure waiting to erupt.
The Feared Future (ከርሞ)
ከርሞ, the future, isn’t anticipated in Ethiopia; it is feared. The dominant sentiment isn’t hope but hesitation. The proverb
(“Better the devil you know than the angel you don’t”) encapsulates a collective suspicion of change.ከማያውቁት መልአክ የሚያውቁት ሰይጣን ይሻል
In this mindset, the unknown isn’t a frontier; it’s a threat. Long-term thinking seems naive. Investment in institutions, climate strategy, or youth development appears pointless. Why plant for a harvest you’ll never see?
Fatalistic expressions like
(“We won’t live a thousand years”) orሺህ ዓመት አይኖር
(“Where could it even go?”) sap the will to plan.የት ሊደረስ ነው
The future becomes a black box: too opaque to trust, too dangerous to approach. It’s better to manage the now than to build what might be destroyed.
This fear filters into politics. Leaders prioritize short-term optics, not long-term outcomes. Visible wins replace invisible groundwork. Policies with slow returns (education, environmental protection, institutional reform) are sidelined for projects that photograph well and decay fast.
This narrow horizon renders the nation vulnerable. Climate shocks, demographic surges, and regional instability go unaddressed, not for lack of knowledge but for lack of political nerve. The refusal to plan isn’t passive; it’s a form of risk aversion with real costs.
Without a vision for ከርሞ, Ethiopia stumbles into each crisis unprepared. The future punishes those who fear it.
Time Reclaimed
Ethiopia’s crisis cannot be explained by ethnic division or weak institutions alone. Beneath these visible fractures lies a deeper temporal disorder, a fractured relationship with time itself. This politics of time defines how leaders govern, how citizens engage, and how the nation imagines its future.
When ድሮ is glorified and lamented, conflict festers. When ዘንድሮ is endured rather than shaped, governance stagnates. When ከርሞ is feared, bold decisions of long-term outcomes are deferred, and profound transformation is postponed indefinitely.
These aren’t abstract patterns. They are lived realities, shaping political choices and public sentiment. Breaking this cycle demands more than policy; it requires a shift in temporal consciousness. A past remembered but not re-enacted. A present reclaimed through agency and accountability. A future imagined not as a threat but as a shared possibility.
To move forward, Ethiopia must first step outside the grip of its temporal paralysis. Only by reframing its relationship with time (emotionally, politically, and imaginatively) can it chart a path toward genuine peace and enduring renewal.
While this commentary contains the author’s opinions, Ethiopia Insight will correct factual errors.
Daniel Hailu (PhD) is a multidisciplinary researcher specializing in social protection and social inclusion. He can be reached at [email protected]