Oromo’s Liberation Journey: From Amhara Monarchy to Oromo Moggàsa!
By Fayyis Oromia*
The Oromo’s liberation journey began in the 1960s and has passed through five major phases:
1. The Dark Phase under the Amhara Monarchy:
During this period, only the Amhara elites held absolute power, and the Oromo people were reduced to near invisibility. Afan Oromo was completely banned from official use.
2. The First Step Forward – The 1974 Revolution:
With the overthrow of the monarchy, we made one step forward. Afan Oromo was officially recognized, albeit with limited use in radio broadcasts and newspapers.
3. The Second Revolution – Victory in 1991:
After defeating the Derg military regime, we advanced two steps forward. Afan Oromo became the formal working language in Oromia.
4. The Third Revolution – Post-2018 Developments:
Following the 2018 revolution, we made further progress by freeing ourselves from Tigrayan hegemonists. Afan Oromo is now relatively free to grow and develop, including the establishment of PhD programs in the language.
5. The Future – Towards True Liberation:
In the upcoming fifth phase, we are determined to rid ourselves of the current “Oromo Naftagna” dictatorship led by Abiy Ahmed. Our goal is to elevate Afan Oromo as the primary leading language of Oromia (a democratized and Oromo-led Ethiopia). The promotion of Afan Oromo, alongside democratization, signifies the gradual transformation of Ethiopia into Oropia—a process that reflects a natural evolution of Moggàsa.
Thanks to Wàqa, our struggle for bilisummaa (freedom) against both Abyssinian domination elites—namely the Ethio-dictator Amhara elites and the Ethno-dictator Tigrayan elites—has been largely successful. Today, three groups of freedom-seeking forces, both Oromo and other Ethiopians, are competing to determine the sovereignty they wish to realize:
an independent Oromia,
a federal union, or
an integrated and inclusive Oropia.
To reach this current state of liberty, unity among Oromo nationalists was essential. Now, to determine the form of sovereignty we seek, all democratic forces must agree on the rules of the game—primarily, the public verdict through democratic processes.
Just as I began my contribution to Oromo platforms with this topic, I would like to conclude by re-emphasizing the urgent need for unity among Oromo nationalists. Without this unity of purpose, we could not have made meaningful progress toward our freedom. It is no secret that the Oromo people and Oromia were subjected to a colonial-like experience, one from which extrication was deeply challenging. Much has been written and discussed about Oromia’s predicament, with Oromo nationals at times unsure of the next steps. We have often asked ourselves: Is there a viable solution to our national crisis?
Even without a perfect prescription for our collective misery, I have always believed there is a panacea: Oromo nationalist unity for freedom. This is precisely why Obbo Baro Tumsa once said:
“We, the Oromo, must capture state power by any means necessary. To do this, we must clandestinely organize all sectors of our society. It is the responsibility of young educated Oromo like you to spread the spirit of Oromo nationalism when you return to your communities. We can only change the deplorable condition of our people by being tolerant of one another and rebuilding the necessary unity among Oromo nationalists. In this way, we can build a strong organization, capture state power, and take actions that facilitate fundamental social transformation.”
Baro Tumsa’s assertion was based on a clear logic: with unity comes power—the power to claim the Caffé Aràrà (Finfinne) palace and, by doing so, to reshape the future of the Oromo nation. TPLF’s swift transformation of the Tigrayan region after 1991 serves as a compelling example. There is no contradiction between striving for state power and seeking national freedom—only different strategies toward the same goal.
We asked ourselves: Is our liberation journey best achieved through a “train ride” (a gradual, evolutionary approach) or an “airplane flight” (a rapid, revolutionary method) toward freedom and sovereignty? Some Oromo nationalists strongly advocated for a direct airplane flight—an immediate move to full sovereignty—without adequately assessing the feasibility or considering alternative strategies. But when a direct flight isn’t possible, why should a determined train ride be condemned, as if it were the enemy’s plan?
The approach of the ODF (Oromo Democratic Front) and OFC (Oromo Federalist Congress) represented such an alternative strategy—a Plan B, pursued when the preferred Plan A (a direct route to sovereignty) was blocked. Even for this “freedom train” to move forward, Oromo nationalist unity remained essential. The merger of the two known Oromo parties into the OFC was a promising and commendable step toward a feasible solution. It was encouraging to see some Oromo liberation groups support this merger and some Oromo media platforms highlight it in interviews with party leaders.
There was no structural or ideological reason that these two gradualist groups couldn’t continue working together—either under a single organization or in effective coordination. Similarly, there was no fundamental obstacle preventing the maximalist factions within the OLF from merging into a single, unified structure. As we promoted the importance of a well-organized and empowered OFC as a legal opposition party, we also emphasized the value of consolidating the various OLF factions into one strong and coordinated liberation front.
To illustrate the contrast between gradualists and maximalists in our national liberation struggle, we can look to the broader African experience. During the 2007 African Union Summit in Accra, Ghana, leaders debated the creation of a Union Government of Africa (UGA). Two camps emerged:
Maximalists, who called for immediate creation of a United States of Africa (USA);
Gradualists, who favored a step-by-step integration, beginning with regional economic communities.
President John Kufuor later summarized the consensus reached at the summit:
“It was a unanimous decision; the leaders have adopted a step-by-step approach to develop a concept that suits the African condition.”
In the same way, Oromo nationalists must ask ourselves: Can we reach a unanimous decision about our path to liberation? If we opt collectively for an evolutionary approach, despite the obstacles imposed by dictatorial regimes in Ethiopia, the train of Oromo national liberation will continue moving forward—slowly but surely.
That train, which symbolically departed from Djibouti (representing complete colonization) many decades ago, arrived at Ayisha (limited cultural autonomy) in 1991. It has not yet reached Dire Dawa (genuine political federation), on its way to Adama (national independence) and Finfinne (union of free peoples), which are our final goals.
Whether our oppressors accept it or not, the most recent destabilization of the Ethiopian Empire has presented an opportunity. Oromo nationalists must remain vigilant, strengthen our unity for freedom, and seize every chance to move forward. The OLF, which embodies the mindset of all freedom-loving Oromo, operates not only in the opposition and among rebel groups, but also within nationalist elements of the Oromo ruling party itself. This shared mindset unites us, even if we are structurally fragmented.
There is no doubt that we all, as Oromo nationalists, would prefer a direct “airplane flight” to our desired destination. But the reality on the ground may compel us to take the train. Just as African leaders had to accept gradualism despite the appeal of immediate unification, some genuine Oromo nationalists within the incumbent government—with an OLF-oriented mindset—may try to maintain the status quo while claiming liberation has already been achieved, even though we know we’ve only reached Ayisha.
In contrast, Oromo nationalists in the “legal opposition” with the same OLF-oriented mindset have been pushing for the next milestone: Dire Dawa. Their efforts have yielded success. Now, Oromo freedom fighters in the rebel groups, who also share this mindset, will continue the journey—toward Adama and Finfinne.
To accomplish this final phase, we may need alliances with other oppressed peoples, but more than anything else, we need unity among all Oromo organizations. Whether we choose a gradualist or maximalist path—or both simultaneously—we must prevent internal conflict and commit to:
Living in Ayisha together (maintaining our limited cultural freedom despite Oromia’s occupation within the Ethiopian empire);
Advancing to Dire Dawa together (securing Oromia’s autonomy within a federal Ethiopian union);
Reaching Adama and Finfinne together (pursuing Oromia’s full independence, possibly within a union of free nations in Africa).
The Strategic Necessity of Unity at Every Level
The question we must all ask is: Why is unity so crucial, and how can we achieve it? The answer lies in both our historical setbacks and the opportunity that lies ahead. Despite being a great nation of nearly 40 million people, the Oromo have been colonized and fragmented. One major obstacle to our success has been the division of our political organizations. We had too many small liberation fronts—mini lions, roaring at a single powerful enemy, the TPLF, which stood as tall and unyielding as Goliath.
This seasoned enemy laughed at our fragmentation. Even when it pretended to negotiate with one or two of our groups, it gave them nothing. Why? Because baby lions aren’t feared—only a strong, united adult lion is. That is why we must unite all Oromo liberation fronts into one powerful and effective OLF. The world may ignore a hundred baby lions, but it will respect a single strong adult lion. Here are practical ways to build such a unified force at different levels:
1. Public Level: Unity from the Grassroots
We must raise the consciousness of our people at the grassroots level and orient them toward the bigger picture: our goal of freedom and sovereignty. Every Oromo around the world should resist divisive tactics that pit us against each other based on region, party affiliation, or religion. While we’ve made progress in neutralizing religious and regional divides, we are still trapped in conflicts over political strategies—especially the debate between pro-independence and pro-union camps.
2. Media Level: Constructive vs. Destructive Narratives
In our digital world—forums, radio, social media, paltalks, and TV—we must distinguish between constructive criticism and deliberate misinformation. Not every person speaking in the name of the Oromo is necessarily an Oromo nationalist. Our opponents often disguise themselves in Oromo names and identities to undermine our cause. Some Oromo individuals, knowingly or unknowingly, also act against Oromo national interests. Our bloggers, activists, and journalists must learn to recognize, expose, and counter such divisive tactics.
3. Political Level: Working Together Across All Oromo Organizations
It is encouraging that the “legal opposition” is consolidating under the OFC. Similarly, the scattered liberation fronts (mini lions) must unite into one powerful OLF. These groups often accuse each other of having different end goals, but in reality, when you closely examine their programs, they share the same goal: Oromo freedom and Oromia’s sovereignty.
Where they differ is not in destination, but in ego, emotion, and the path taken to get there. The division is often fueled by:
Personal rivalries among politicians,
Self-interest taking precedence over national interest, and
Disagreements over strategy (e.g., “illegal” armed struggle vs. “legal” political process).
Over time, these leaders must learn to work together for the common good. Their different strategies can be complementary, not contradictory. The OLF’s “illegal” approach and the OFC’s “legal” approach are both necessary—like two wings of the same bird. Unity in diversity is not only possible, it is vital.
Strategic Alliances Beyond Oromo Groups
When considering alliances with Abyssinian opposition forces, we must be realistic. Some may accompany us to Dire Dawa (federalism), but they are unlikely to follow us to Adama (independence). To understand our potential allies and opponents, it helps to examine the four political blocs currently shaping Ethiopia:
The Four Major Political Blocs in Ethiopia
Andinet Hayiloch (Unity Forces):
These are the Abyssinian Centralist Forces (ACF) trying to restore the unitary empire that existed before 1991. Using the language of “Ethiopian unity,” they still nostalgically long for an empire dominated by Amhara culture and language. Their goal is to erase Oromia through cultural assimilation.
Abiyotawi Hayiloch (Revolutionary Forces):
This includes the fascist TPLF’s Abyssinian Bantustanist Fronts (ABF), who want to preserve Oromia’s subjugation under Tigrayan domination, similar to the apartheid-style control they exercised from 1991 to 2018.
Abironet Hayiloch (Federalist Forces):
These are the Oromian Democratic Forces (ODF) and others who advocate a federal union. They aim to balance national autonomy for oppressed groups with shared governance in a unified Ethiopia. Their goal is Oromia’s autonomy within an Ethiopian union, as a transitional step.
Arinet Hayiloch (Independence Forces):
These are the true freedom fighters like the OLF, who strive for full national independence and envision a future union of free nations, possibly within a broader African framework.
A Simplified Formula:
ACF or ABF vs. ODF and OLF
This simplification helps clarify who are Oromo friends and foes:
ACF wants to drag us back to Djibouti (total subjugation),
ABF wants us to remain in Ayisha (limited autonomy under TPLF),
ODF can help us reach Dire Dawa (genuine federation),
OLF and its allies can help us reach Adama and Finfinne (independence and union of free peoples).
Forging Strategic Alliances and Finishing the Journey
To advance the final phase of our liberation journey, we must build strategic alliances with other oppressed nations. An example is the formation of coalitions like the Peoples’ Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (PAFD), which emphasizes national self-determination and collective resistance. Such alliances can help propel us from Dire Dawa to Adama and Finfinne, but this requires careful strategy and unity of purpose.
However, more important than any external alliance is internal unity—the imperative unity of all Oromo organizations. Whether gradualist or maximalist in approach, we must respect and coordinate with one another, even if we take parallel roads. The key is to avoid internal conflict, remain focused on the shared goal, and agree on the following steps:
Live in Ayisha together (maintain our current level of cultural autonomy),
Move to Dire Dawa together (achieve Oromia’s political autonomy within a genuine federal system),
Finish the journey to Adama and Finfinne together (realize full independence and build a union of free nations).
Overcoming Fragmentation and the Goliath of Empire
To build this unity, we must overcome fragmentation. Our mini liberation fronts must unite to form one powerful OLF, capable of asserting real influence on the battlefield and at the negotiating table. No one fears 100 baby lions—but a single mature lion commands respect.
We need:
Grassroots Organization:
Mobilize the public around a shared vision of freedom and sovereignty. Educate communities to resist divisive tactics based on region, party, or religion.
Media Vigilance:
Promote constructive dialogue and challenge divisive, false narratives—especially those pretending to speak in Oromo voices while serving anti-Oromo agendas.
Political Coordination:
Push all Oromo organizations to work together. The OFC’s consolidation is a positive example. The fragmented OLF factions must do the same. Their goals are aligned; their differences lie only in method and leadership egos. Let them realize their strategies are complementary, not contradictory.
When it comes to cooperating with Abyssinian opposition groups, we may be able to march together as far as Dire Dawa, but they will likely not join us in Adama. We must understand that our struggle for full national sovereignty may diverge from theirs. Still, tactical cooperation to weaken centralist and oppressive regimes is often possible and even necessary.
Baro Tumsa’s Vision as the Roadmap
Let us return to the wisdom of Obbo Baro Tumsa. His vision remains as relevant as ever:
“We, the Oromo, must capture state power by any means necessary… build a strong organization, capture state power, and take actions that facilitate fundamental social transformation.”
This vision underscores a central truth: power in Finfinne is essential to resolving Oromia’s predicament. It’s not about power for power’s sake—it’s about having the ability to implement meaningful, lasting change.
We’ve already seen this model in action. The TPLF, despite its flaws, transformed the Tigrean region dramatically after capturing state power in 1991. Why should the Oromo be any less capable?
The Final Push: From Status Quo to Sovereignty
Some Oromo nationalists within the ruling party now claim that liberation is already complete. But they know we’ve only moved from Djibouti to Ayisha, not yet to Dire Dawa or beyond. They’re defending a status quo that stops short of our full liberation.
Meanwhile, opposition forces with an OLF mindset are pushing the struggle toward Dire Dawa, and their progress has been real. The rebel groups—again with an OLF mindset—will carry us further, to Adama and Finfinne.
This final phase will require:
An unbreakable unity among Oromo forces,
Strategic partnerships with other oppressed nations,
And most importantly, a clear, agreed-upon roadmap to sovereignty, adaptable to whether we’re traveling by “train” or “airplane.”
Conclusion: Unity as the Panacea
Our current condition was never the result of a lack of bravery, identity, or culture—it was the result of disunity. The panacea to our national crisis has always been clear: Oromo unity for freedom.
Thanks to Wàqa, we are now forging that unity. It is the foundation for capturing state power—whether in the palace at Caffé Aràrà or Finfinne—and implementing the fundamental social transformation our people deserve.
If the current Oromo-led regime fails to fulfill this mission, Oromo democratic federalists will rise to do it in the fifth and final phase of our liberation journey.
Galatooma!
Read more: https://orompia.wordpress.com/2019/04/1 ... edicament/