Agawia and Oromia: The Main Pillars of Ethiopia in Particular, and the Horn in General!
By Fayyis Oromia*
It is now clear that the people living in Tigray, Gondar, Gojjam, and Lalibela are mainly Agaw, who unfortunately no longer speak Agawigna, but rather either Amharic (Amarigna) or Tigrigna. Of course, these areas are also partly inhabited by Oromo people to some extent. This region, where the Agaw people mostly live, can be named Agawia. Rayya, Wollo, Yejju, and Shoa are integral parts of Oromia, and should return to their rightful owner. It is high time to help Agawignaand Oromiffa (Afaan Oromo) revive and thrive in these respective areas. Then, an Agawigna-speaking Agawia and an Oromiffa-speaking Oromia shall become two stable pillars of a vibrant, Cushitic Ethiopia in particular, and a future prosperous Horn of Africa in general.
Ethiopia is a multicultural, multilingual, and multinational country. The Oromo make up at least 40% of the population, and thus Ethiopian identity (Ethiopianness) should consist of at least 40% Oromummaa. Amaranet should be reduced to about 10%, as most of the Amharic speakers are actually Agaw by origin. The Agaw people, being around 20%, constitute the second-largest nation. Therefore, the rainbow Ethiopian identity should consist of approximately 40% Oromummaa, 20% Agawnet, 10% Amaranet, 6% Somalummaa, 5% Tegarunet, 4% Sidamummaa, 3% Guragenet, and so on.
I once listened to an interview given by Obbo Lencho Lata on OBN. He still asserts that Dr. Abiy’s Ethiopia is led by the Oromo, and that enemies are trying to undermine this leadership. Is that really so? Is Ethiopia not still dominated by Amaranet/Amarigna? Is Dr. Abiy not comfortable with maintaining that dominance? Are all PAE (Pro-Amaranet Elites), who support Dr. Abiy, not actually fighting against Oromummaa to hinder Afaan Oromo from overtaking the primary position in federal institutions?
If Ethiopia is to survive and thrive under Dr. Abiy’s “Oromo leadership,” all languages in the country should be prioritized based on population size. Accordingly, Afaan Oromo should take the primary position, and Amarigna should be given tertiary status—after Agawigna. In this case, for example, the working language of the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) would be Afaan Oromo, replacing Amarigna. Then, General Abebaw from the Amhara nation would give interviews in Oromiffa instead of General Bacha in Amarigna. Can Amhara elites and the PAE accept this future reality? Can Dr. Abiy’s Ethiopia become a true rainbow nation, made of all languages and cultures—of course, in proportionate sizes?
In fact, Amhara elites have already launched a campaign to persuade Dr. Abiy’s administration to legally ban ethnic-based parties, so that Ethiopian unity will not be “jeopardized.” Interestingly, this shows that both Amhara and Oromo elites have yet to register their role exchange regarding power in the Finfinne palace (Caffee Arara). Amhara elites act as if they still hold power, while Oromo elites act as if they still need to “struggle for their rights in Finfinne” and beg for Afaan Oromo to be a federal working language—rather than simply implementing it. Oromo elites are now in a position to address all demands of the Oromo people. Why do they hesitate? Perhaps to avoid being seen as offensive or to maintain political alliances. But in the future democratic Ethiopia (de facto Oropia = Oromummaa-led Ethiopia), ethnofederalism is more beneficial to the Amhara than to the Oromo.
It is now clear that only Amhara elites and a few Amharanized individuals from other nations oppose ethnic federalism and national self-determination. In reality, genuine ethnic federalism is a compromise that allows all nations in Ethiopia to live together—achieving both national freedom and regional integration. The stance of Amhara elites regarding federalism and self-determination has made them unsuitable allies for the democratic elites of other nations. Amhara elites demand unconditional Ethiopian unity, while Oromo elites may agree to this only if Amhara elites accept the Oromo precondition: making Afaan Oromo the sole working language of the federation. Some Oromo elites make such an exclusive demand as a symbolic move to show Amhara elites how it feels to be culturally dominated.
In the current situation, Amhara elites are pushing to ban ethnic parties, claiming that Ethiopian unity is being threatened. But why do they preach democracy while excluding people’s right to choose their destiny through self-determination or referenda? There is no half-baked democracy—either people have the right to choose, or they don’t.
Oromo elites argue that language is the main source of conflict in the country. If Amhara elites disagree, let’s test it practically: demote Amarigna to a local language within Amhara only, and promote Afaan Oromo to federal working language. Then the Oromo will embrace unconditional unity and denounce ethnicity, even self-determination. Will Amhara elites and their followers then be willing to learn Afaan Oromo without objection? If yes, then we can all move forward toward a more democratic, inclusive, and united Ethiopia.
Looking at history and the present, each group’s elites interpret events differently. The better path is to look toward the future and ask: What are our options to resolve the language conflict, if we want to live together?
Here are five potential options:
Union of free peoples based on self-determination, where all independent nations use their own languages, and English serves as the international communication language.
Unity in a federated Ethiopia with Afaan Oromo as the sole federal language.
Unity with English as the only federal language.
Unity with both Afaan Oromo and Amarigna as federal working languages.
Unity with Amarigna as the only federal language—the status quo, which should be changed as far as the Oromo are concerned.
Some pro-democracy Amhara elites prefer the fourth option. A few Oromo elites prefer the first. But if Amhara elites reject self-determination and insist on unconditional unity, let them experience the second option: unity with Afaan Oromo as the only federal language. That way, they will understand what it means to be Ethiopian in a system where “Ethiopianity” equals Oromummaa, just as it previously meant Amaranet.
Amhara elites who oppose the second option should develop empathy toward Oromo elites who reject the fifth. Why label Oromo elites as “exclusionists” for advocating linguistic equity, while calling those defending the current exclusionary system “inclusive”?
The TPLF privileged Amarinya for 28 years, not out of fairness, but to fuel division between Oromo and Amhara, ensuring TPLF dominance. They could have resolved this conflict by making both languages federal working languages, or by adopting English as the sole federal language. But they didn’t—for strategic gain.
The time has come to adopt a fair linguistic policy. Amhara elites must accept that Ethiopianity can no longer be defined solely through Amharic. If Ethiopia is to be a common house, its pillars must be built on equity and justice—including linguistic justice.
Conclusion:
Let us forge a path toward genuine ethnic federalism, democratic union, and mutual recognition. Call it national self-determination with shared governance, internal sovereignty with regional unity, or simply a rainbow Ethiopia. But let it be built on the foundation of respect for all languages, identities, and peoples—especially those, like the Oromo and Agaw, who have long borne the weight of historical suppression.
May Waaqa open the eyes of both Amhara and Oromo elites to the reality on the ground.
Galatooma.
Read more:https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/03/2 ... n-general/