Obbo Bulchà Damaqsà Was Bold Enough to Use Afàn Oromô in Parliament – Something the OLF Leaders Galàsà Dilbô and Dimà Nagô Didn’t Dare!
Fayyis Oromia*
We have lost a bold and courageous Oromo father—Obbo Bulcha Demeksa—who was the first to speak Afaan Oromo in the Ethiopian Parliament. Sadly, even the OLF leaders like Obbo Galaasa Dilbo and Dr. Dima Nego didn’t dare to do the same. He was among the few Oromo elites, like Dr. Haile Fida, who understood the central importance of promoting Afaan Oromo to its rightful and legitimate primary position in Ethiopia. He clearly knew that the free use of Afaan Oromo in federal institutions would mark the transformation of Ethiopia into Oropia—a state led by Oromummaa.
To such visionary elites, an independent Oropia (which may mean earning a net salary) was secondary to an integrative Oropia (owning the gross wealth of the union). That’s why he passionately advocated for Ethiopian unity with Afaan Oromo as the primary working language at the federal level.
Now, it is encouraging to see that the OLF members within the OPP have finally started to speak Afaan Oromo in the Ethiopian Parliament—a core principle championed by Obbo Bulcha Demeksa during the TPLF (Woyane) era. It took them six years to muster this courage. A commendable step, although delayed and still insufficient. In fact, all Oromo parliamentarians—starting with Dr. Abiy—should have respected and used their own language, instead of revering the colonial language, Amharic. Unfortunately, many still exhibit a slave mentality that must first be decolonized for them to truly take pride in their mother tongue. Nevertheless, the OLFites within the OPP are slowly gaining courage to lead this liberating work. Well done!
The Oromo people have already achieved freedom from Habesha colonization, but we remain under the oppression of a hybrid regime. These hybrid rulers are determined to uphold the dominance of Amharic at the expense of promoting Afaan Oromo. OLF members within the OPP are now striving to reverse this trend and advance Afaan Oromo to become the primary working language of the federation.
Yet the current regime remains hesitant to grant Afaan Oromo its rightful status. Therefore, the Oromo struggle should now focus on freeing itself from hybrid oppression and pushing for Afaan Oromo to be the primary language across all federal institutions—including the palace, parliament, courts, cabinet, military, and security apparatus. The regime’s talk of prosperity is nothing more than wishful thinking—it cannot be realized while the Oromo and other nations remain unfree. Hopefully, the OLFites in power will successfully assert Oromiffa’s primacy and, with it, bring about Oropia’sprosperity.
There is no question that the current regime is as pro-Amharanet and dictatorial as its predecessors since 1270. All past regimes have sought to preserve Amharic dominance by suppressing Oromiffa and Oromummaa. Oromo elites within Prosperity Party seem content with this arrangement and lack the courage to promote Afaan Oromo based on the demographic strength of the Oromo nation. That’s why a small group of Amhara elites can continue to control the state by riding on the backs of these Oromo Prosperitans. But this won’t last. True Oromo republicans will rise to elevate Oromummaa and ensure that Afaan Oromo replaces Amharic as the primary working language of Ethiopia. Once that is achieved, this regime will be remembered as the last of the pro-Amharanet dictatorships.
Biltsigina (the ruling party) is beginning to resemble the fascist Derg and Woyane regimes. The extrajudicial killing of a young boy in Dembidolo clearly exemplifies the fascistic actions carried out in Oromia, Tigray, Amhara, and beyond. Any regime that kills its people is bound to collapse. Both the Derg and Woyane lost power despite their strength. Biltsigina will be no different. The million-dollar question is: who will follow?
Will it be the Amhara repressors who are desperate to maintain the status quo under the guise of Ethiopiawinet, or the Oromo republicans who seek to lead Ethiopia into a truly inclusive and democratic rainbow federation of 80+ nations? It is now high time for Oromo republicans, led by the OLF and OFC, to rise and guide our people through this final phase of our liberation struggle.
Tigrayan hegemonists have finally been defeated—never to return. Thus, the traditional triangular power struggle (Amhara–Tigray–Oromo) over Finfinne is over. What we now face is a dichotomy: dictatorial Amharanet vs democratic Oromummaa. Amharanet continues to dominate the palace and all federal institutions. Oromo elites—from Yekuno Amlak to Abiy Ahmed—have ruled Ethiopia only to perpetuate Amharanet, sacrificing Oromummaa in the process. Amhara elites support these Oromo PAE (Pro-Amharanet Elites) as long as Amharic remains dominant. Therefore, the Oromo liberation struggle must now target these collaborators.
In truth, the Oromo people already defeated the assimilative Amhara elites in 1991 and the hegemonic Tigray elites in 2018. The third and final phase of the struggle is now against Oromo PAE—those satisfied with Afaan Oromo as a secondary language and eager to preserve a dictatorial Amharanet-led federation. In contrast, Oromo POE (Pro-Oromummaa Elites) within OLF and OFC are pushing to establish a democratic federation where Afaan Oromo holds its rightful place as the primary federal language—used in parliament, the cabinet, the palace, the judiciary, military, and security services.
Isn’t it ironic that pro-Amharanet Oromo elites have yet again gained control of the Finfinne palace? This pattern has continued since 1270, and we had hoped it ended with Abiy’s rise in 2018. But Abiy betrayed Oromummaa, choosing to uphold Amharanet under the disguise of Ethiopiawinet. The Oromo struggle has effectively returned to square one. The fight is no longer against overt Abyssinian elites, but against covert Oromo collaborators like Abiy. This internal divide is bitter and clear: Pro-Amharanet incumbents vs Pro-Oromummaa opposition.
It’s heartbreaking that true Oromo nationalists have lost three key opportunities due to betrayal by Oromo elites:
- In 1974, Oromo Head of State Col. Mengistu fought against the OLF.
I- n 1991, President Dr. Negasso Gidada opposed the OLF.
- Since 2018, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has been sabotaging the OLF.
There is no doubt that both the Derg-style Ethio-fascist and Woyane-style ethno-fascist regimes are dead. But the current hybrid Biltsigina, which blends both forms of fascism, is still in power. However, two federalist blocs of Oromo elites are rising—Ethio-federalists like ECS and ethno-federalists like OFC. Future democratic competition in Ethiopia will be between these two blocs. As long as Oromo culture (Aadaa), language (Afaan), and power (Angoo) are respected, either form of federation—territorial or linguistic—is not harmful to the Oromo. Unfortunately, hybrid federalist Abiy leans toward Amharanet and opposes promoting Aadaa, Afaan, and Angoo at the federal level.
To understand today’s challenges, let’s revisit a key event. In 2012, the central issue for many Ethiopians was the Oromo national liberation struggle, led by the vanguard movement—the OLF. This decades-long struggle sparked intense debate. A particularly controversial development was the decision taken by some Oromo nationalists at a meeting in Kelly Inn, St. Paul, Minnesota, on January 1, 2012. A faction led by Gen. Kamal Galchu announced a change to the OLF’s political program. For many Oromo nationalists, this step was perceived as a betrayal of the OLF’s historic objective: the national self-determination of the Oromo people.
Was Kamal’s group traitorous in this sense? What social contract, shared goals, and mutual understanding existed among Oromo nationalists? And who was the rival camp that supported this breakaway group?
Personally, I believe the comprehensive goal of the Oromo movement has always been the right to national self-determination—whether through independence or integration—based on the Oromo public’s verdict via a referendum. The OLF’s stated goal has long included both options, adjusting emphasis depending on the prevailing political context. But Kamal’s group appeared to clearly abandon Oromia’s independence as a legitimate objective. That was not just a partial compromise—it was a fundamental deviation from the core mission. The move seemed designed to restrict the Oromo nation’s choice to just one side of the spectrum.
Unless this was done under pressure or as a tactical move (similar to how the OFC has sometimes operated under duress), it amounted to a serious misstep. Let’s evaluate the errors made by both sides.
A) Mistakes of General Kamal’s Group:
His group should have waited for unity within the Oromo liberation camp before forging alliances with anti-TPLF Abyssinian forces. A fragmented Oromo front weakens all positions.
Lacking broad support from the Oromo public, their move was strategically and symbolically flawed. The euphoric reaction of anti-Oromo Abyssinian elites clearly signaled that this shift was beneficial to them.
Even if the group had some public support, surrendering the goal of independence while the Oromo nation remained under domination was a grave error.
The group’s rhetoric seemed to include AG7 as part of “we,” while labeling other Oromo nationalists as “they.” Such exclusion signaled alignment with non-Oromo interests over internal unity.
Declaring allegiance to the name Ethiopia—a term historically associated with oppressive Abyssinianism—was symbolically harmful. If the group truly envisioned a reformed union, they should have proposed renaming it Oromia, reflecting the Oromo’s demographic and political significance.
Their eagerness to speak broken Amharic in all settings, rather than demanding the use of Afaan Oromo by AG7, undermined the claim of promoting a multiethnic movement. AG7’s outlet, ESAT, had historically ignored Afaan Oromo, proving its anti-Oromo bias.
Kamal’s group risked being seen as the “horse” of AG7, instead of the horseman. In a healthy alliance, both sides should be equal riders—not one being a pawn for the other.
B) Mistakes of Dr. Berhanu’s Group (AG7/Ezema):
Their manipulative tactics aimed at dividing the OLF painted them as adversaries to the Oromo cause. They should have waited for Oromo unity before courting any faction.
Imposing Ethiopian unity as a precondition for alliance, rather than supporting the right to self-determination, made them appear authoritarian.
Their rejection of Oromia as a national regional state and denial of linguistic and cultural autonomy revealed their vision of a [deleted], Amharized Ethiopia.
Their consistent vilification of the Oromo struggle as tribal or racist (e.g., calling it “ye gosa politika” or “zerinyinet”) exposed their anti-Oromo sentiment.
Using an Afaan Oromo–speaking vice chairman or prominent Oromo figures like Birtukan Mideksa for optics—without genuinely supporting Oromo issues—was a clear tokenism.
Their paternalistic attitude (“we know what’s best for you”) ignored solutions proposed by actual Oromo voices, reinforcing historical patterns of domination.
Their Amharization agenda was clear when ESAT, their media outlet, broadcasted 24 hours in Amharic but refused to include a single hour of Afaan Oromo for years—even though the Oromo are the majority population. Only after significant pressure from the #OromoProtests did they reluctantly begin limited Afaan Oromo coverage, still lacking in both quality and quantity.
Despite these errors, it was legitimate for Oromo nationalists to protest the Kelly Inn decision for one key reason: the celebratory reaction from historically anti-Oromo circles. As one wise Oromo elder once said: “Whenever people praise you too much, ask yourself what mistake you’ve made.” When oppressors rejoice in your decisions, those decisions likely benefit them more than they serve your interests.
In retrospect, the main mistake of Gen. Kamal’s group was giving up the demand for independence while the Oromo were still under national subjugation. If their decision was merely tactical, time would reveal the truth. Fortunately, Kamal later appeared to reverse course and re-embrace the goal of independence—a sign that his conscience prevailed.
We should, therefore, refrain from demonizing Kamal’s group. He is still one of our own, though he temporarily took a misaligned path. AG7, on the other hand, must be dealt with based on their actions—if they continue to oppose the Oromo struggle for liberation, they will join the ranks of our historical enemies.
The Way Forward
Nothing can stop the Oromo people’s aspiration for freedom and sovereignty. Any future regional integration—be it in a union or another form—must be based on the Oromo public’s free will. There can be no integration at the expense of national freedom.
A real, stable, and just union in the Horn of Africa must be built on the solid foundation of a strong, liberated Oromia. May Waaqa guide all regional stakeholders not to oppose this noble cause. Let us envision a union in which Oromia stands proudly, as a sovereign member, not as a suppressed region.
Now that Ethiopia’s political contest is largely between well-developed ethio-federalists and ethno-federalists, it is time for democratic competition—through the ballot, in Caffee Araaraa, the parliament of peace. As long as Aadaa, Afaan, and Angoo of the Oromo are respected, both federation models can be acceptable.
But among the two identities—Amharanet and Oromummaa—which will ultimately prevail?
The answer lies in the strength of our unity and our resolve.
Galatooma.
Read more:https://orompia.wordpress.com/2023/03/1 ... rosperity/