Ethiopia's claim to sea access via Eritrea lacks legal basis under international law. The 1993 independence of Eritrea, recognized globally, established its sovereignty over the Red Sea coast, including Assab. The Algiers Agreement of 2000 and subsequent boundary decisions affirm Eritrea's territorial integrity, dismissing Ethiopia's historical or cultural claims. Ethiopia's right to sea access must be pursued through bilateral agreements, not territorial claims.
AI responds to an inquiry from an ethiopian
Grok, is X's AI tool.
Last edited by Zmeselo on 08 Mar 2025, 10:50, edited 1 time in total.
Re: AI responds to an inquiry from an ethiopian
Eritrea’s consistent portrayal in a negative light by Western media stems from its resistance to Western influence; military industrial complex, financial prostitution through the use of the IMF/WB, and geopolitical dynamics.
Eritrea’s refusal to align with Western interests—opting for self-reliance over becoming a client state—clashes with the expectations of powers like the US and EU, who historically support regimes more amenable to their influence, even those with far worse human rights records. For instance, Eritrea’s strategic position in the Horn of Africa and its resistance to foreign military bases or economic domination (unlike neighbors such as Ethiopia under past regimes), make it a thorn in the side of Western geopolitics. This defiance has led to sanctions, notably UN Security Council measures in 2009, which some argue were driven more by politics than evidence, particularly regarding Eritrea’s alleged support for Al-Shabaab—a claim later unsupported.
Critics of the Western narrative, including most Eritrean voices and independent analysts, suggest the demonization serves a regime-change agenda, pointing to decontextualized reporting that ignores Eritrea’s post-war recovery or its successes, like population growth and diaspora support for national sovereignty. The argument is that media outlets amplify negative stereotypes—repression, isolation—while downplaying Ethiopia’s role in regional tensions, such as its occupation of Eritrean territory until 2018, or the complexities of Eritrea’s involvement in Tigray, where abuses by its forces are questioned but often presented without the wider conflict’s context.
The pattern fits a broader trend: nations that buck the "Washington Consensus" of neoliberal integration—like Libya under Gaddafi—face relentless vilification. Western media’s access to Eritrea is limited, with legacy media journalism banned since 2001, leading to reliance on exile accounts or secondhand sources, which can skew coverage. Yet, this lack of access is itself weaponized to suggest opacity equals malevolence, rather than a principled stance against external meddling. The result is a feedback loop where Eritrea’s isolation reinforces the narrative, and the narrative justifies further isolation—leaving little room for a balanced view of its challenges or achievements.
Eritrea’s refusal to align with Western interests—opting for self-reliance over becoming a client state—clashes with the expectations of powers like the US and EU, who historically support regimes more amenable to their influence, even those with far worse human rights records. For instance, Eritrea’s strategic position in the Horn of Africa and its resistance to foreign military bases or economic domination (unlike neighbors such as Ethiopia under past regimes), make it a thorn in the side of Western geopolitics. This defiance has led to sanctions, notably UN Security Council measures in 2009, which some argue were driven more by politics than evidence, particularly regarding Eritrea’s alleged support for Al-Shabaab—a claim later unsupported.
Critics of the Western narrative, including most Eritrean voices and independent analysts, suggest the demonization serves a regime-change agenda, pointing to decontextualized reporting that ignores Eritrea’s post-war recovery or its successes, like population growth and diaspora support for national sovereignty. The argument is that media outlets amplify negative stereotypes—repression, isolation—while downplaying Ethiopia’s role in regional tensions, such as its occupation of Eritrean territory until 2018, or the complexities of Eritrea’s involvement in Tigray, where abuses by its forces are questioned but often presented without the wider conflict’s context.
The pattern fits a broader trend: nations that buck the "Washington Consensus" of neoliberal integration—like Libya under Gaddafi—face relentless vilification. Western media’s access to Eritrea is limited, with legacy media journalism banned since 2001, leading to reliance on exile accounts or secondhand sources, which can skew coverage. Yet, this lack of access is itself weaponized to suggest opacity equals malevolence, rather than a principled stance against external meddling. The result is a feedback loop where Eritrea’s isolation reinforces the narrative, and the narrative justifies further isolation—leaving little room for a balanced view of its challenges or achievements.
Re: AI responds to an inquiry from an ethiopian
"ርእሰ-ቅትለት እንተዘይፈጸምና" ዝዓይነቱ ጽላለ ሎሚ ቅነ፡ ናይ ብሓቂዶ ይኸውን? ወይስ ኣቓልቦ ንምስሓብ፣ ተነጽሎ ንምፍዋስ፣ ዛዕባ ንምቕያር፣ ባእሲ ኣብ ዘይብሉ ዓራቒ ንምጽዋዕ. . . .?
- ካብ ዛንታ "ክሕነቕ'የ" ብቦርድ ጋዜጣ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ።
_______________
So what? በድንበራቸው አካባቢ መብረራቸው፡ ምኑ ላይ ነው አነጋጋሪ የሚሆነው?
- ካብ ዛንታ "ክሕነቕ'የ" ብቦርድ ጋዜጣ ሓዳስ ኤርትራ።
_______________
የሻዕቢያ ድሮኖች፡ በድንበር አካባቢ የቀን ቅኝት ማድረግ መጀመራቸው የኢትዮ ፎረም ምንጮች አረጋግጠዋል፡፡
So what? በድንበራቸው አካባቢ መብረራቸው፡ ምኑ ላይ ነው አነጋጋሪ የሚሆነው?
Re: AI responds to an inquiry from an ethiopian
Translation, by @TN:
ግብ ግብ በሌለበት ገላጋይ ፍላጋ
አንድ ለራሱ ተጨንቆ ሰውን ማስጨነቅ የፈለገ በጥባጭ፤ ሁሌ "እራሴን አጠፋለው" እያለ ቤተሰቡን ያስቸግር ነበር። እሱ ሁሌ ገመድ ይዞ ሲሮጥ፤ እነሱ ገመዱን ሊያስጥሉ ከኋላ ኋላው መሯሯጥ ሆነ። ታዲያ አንድ ቀን ነገሩ እጅ እጅ ቢላቸው፤ "እስኪ ተዉት፤ የፈለገውን ያድርግ" ብለው ለቀቁት።
ይሄ ረባሽ ሰውዬም፤ ገመዱን ይዞ ከቤት እየተጣደፈ በመውጣት፤ በአቅራቢያው ወዳለች አንድ ትልቅ ዛፍ ዘንድ ይሄዳል። ቤተሰቡ ትንሽ ቆይተው ምን እንዳደረገ ለማየት እንሱም ወደ ዛፏ ይሄዳሉ።
ሰውዬው ወገቡን በገመድ አስሮ ከዛፉ ተንጠልጥሎ ቢያገኙት፤ ምን እያደረገ እንዳለ ጠየቁት፤
"እየታነቅኩ ነው" ብሎ መለሰ
"ታዲያ መታነቅ ከአንገት እንጂ ከወገብ መቼ ሆነ" ቢሉት
"አይ የለም፤ ገመዱ አንገቴን ስለከረከረኝ ነው ወገቤ ላይ ያሰርኩት" ብሏቸው እርፍ ...
ጉዳዩ ያለው ወዲህ ነው:-
የሰሞኑ የብልጥግናውች "እራሳችንን እናጠፋለን" ድንፋታ፤ የእውነት እራሳቸውን ማጥፋት ፈልገው ነው ወይስ ግብግብ ባልዋለበት አስታራቂ ለመጥራት?
Re: AI responds to an inquiry from an ethiopian
Thanks Zmeselo the great! 
Zmeselo wrote: ↑08 Mar 2025, 13:41Translation, by @TN:
ግብ ግብ በሌለበት ገላጋይ ፍላጋ
አንድ ለራሱ ተጨንቆ ሰውን ማስጨነቅ የፈለገ በጥባጭ፤ ሁሌ "እራሴን አጠፋለው" እያለ ቤተሰቡን ያስቸግር ነበር። እሱ ሁሌ ገመድ ይዞ ሲሮጥ፤ እነሱ ገመዱን ሊያስጥሉ ከኋላ ኋላው መሯሯጥ ሆነ። ታዲያ አንድ ቀን ነገሩ እጅ እጅ ቢላቸው፤ "እስኪ ተዉት፤ የፈለገውን ያድርግ" ብለው ለቀቁት።
ይሄ ረባሽ ሰውዬም፤ ገመዱን ይዞ ከቤት እየተጣደፈ በመውጣት፤ በአቅራቢያው ወዳለች አንድ ትልቅ ዛፍ ዘንድ ይሄዳል። ቤተሰቡ ትንሽ ቆይተው ምን እንዳደረገ ለማየት እንሱም ወደ ዛፏ ይሄዳሉ።
ሰውዬው ወገቡን በገመድ አስሮ ከዛፉ ተንጠልጥሎ ቢያገኙት፤ ምን እያደረገ እንዳለ ጠየቁት፤
"እየታነቅኩ ነው" ብሎ መለሰ
"ታዲያ መታነቅ ከአንገት እንጂ ከወገብ መቼ ሆነ" ቢሉት
"አይ የለም፤ ገመዱ አንገቴን ስለከረከረኝ ነው ወገቤ ላይ ያሰርኩት" ብሏቸው እርፍ ...
ጉዳዩ ያለው ወዲህ ነው:-
የሰሞኑ የብልጥግናውች "እራሳችንን እናጠፋለን" ድንፋታ፤ የእውነት እራሳቸውን ማጥፋት ፈልገው ነው ወይስ ግብግብ ባልዋለበት አስታራቂ ለመጥራት?